Reflexivity without reflexivesEric Reuland, Anna Volkova 1Utrecht <strong>in</strong>stitute of <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> OTS, Universiteit UtrechtBackground: What prevents pronom<strong>in</strong>als from be<strong>in</strong>g locally bound? Does this a) reflect an<strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sic property of pronom<strong>in</strong>als (Chomsky 1981), is it b) a relative (economy) effect, thatonly shows up where <strong>the</strong>re is a more dedicated competitor (see from different perspectives,Safir 2004, Boeckx, Hornste<strong>in</strong> and Nunes 2007, Lev<strong>in</strong>son 2000), does it c) have a semanticbasis as <strong>in</strong> Schlenker (2005), or does it d) follow from general conditions on agree basedcha<strong>in</strong>s, and reflexive predicates (Reuland 2011)? To resolve this issue, it is important to studylanguages that are reported to allow locally bound pronom<strong>in</strong>als, and assess whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y <strong>in</strong>fact do have <strong>the</strong>m, and, which factors come <strong>in</strong>to play when local b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g obta<strong>in</strong>s. Khanty(Uralic, spoken <strong>in</strong> Northwest Siberia) is such a language (Nikolaeva 1995). In this talk wereview data collected on a field trip <strong>in</strong> July 2012, and show that <strong>the</strong>se support option d).A first set of facts and <strong>the</strong>ir consequences: łuveł <strong>in</strong> object position can be bound by a coargumentsubject. It can also receive a value from discourse, show<strong>in</strong>g that łuveł is a truepronom<strong>in</strong>al (1a). (1b) with a quantificational antecedent shows that <strong>the</strong> local dependency isone of b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g, not coreference.(1) a. UtltiteXo i łuveł i/k išəәk-s-əәłłe.teacher he.ACC praise-PST-SG.3SG The teacher praised him(self).b. NemXojat i łuveł i/k ănt išəәk-ł-əәłłe.no.one he.ACC NEG praise-NPST-SG.3SG No one praises himself / him.This fact rules out both <strong>the</strong> approaches <strong>in</strong> a) and c). But it is compatible with <strong>the</strong> approaches<strong>in</strong> b) – <strong>the</strong>re is no competitor – and prima facie problematic for <strong>the</strong> approach <strong>in</strong> d). IfnemXojat ‘no one’ b<strong>in</strong>ds łuveł ‘him’, this is potentially a violation of <strong>the</strong> cha<strong>in</strong> condition <strong>in</strong>Reuland (2011) s<strong>in</strong>ce łuveł is fully specified for phi-features. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, this approachfaces <strong>the</strong> fact that logical syntax representations as <strong>in</strong> (2) with two identical variables <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>coargument doma<strong>in</strong> are ruled out (Reuland 2011).(2) *DP (V x x)A second set of facts and <strong>the</strong>ir consequences: i) Khanty has two types of verbal agreement:obligatory subject agreement and optional object agreement (OAgr), as illustrated <strong>in</strong> (3).(3) UtltiteXo poXlen’ki išəәk-s-əәłłe / išəәk-s.teacher boy praise-PST-SG.3SG / praise-PST.3SG The teacher praised <strong>the</strong> boy.The follow<strong>in</strong>g condition applies: a personal pronoun can be locally bound – yield<strong>in</strong>g areflexive predicate – only if <strong>the</strong> verb carries object agreement, cf. <strong>the</strong> ill-formedness of (4).(4) *UtltiteXo i łuveł i išəәk-s.teacher he.ACC praise-PST.3SG The teacher praised him / *himself.ii) The presence of object agreement facilitates object drop, as <strong>in</strong> (5).(5) TămXătł ma c’ăta van-s-em.today I <strong>the</strong>re see-PST-SG.1SG{LC: Yesterday my son went to Beryozovo.} Today I saw (him /*myself) <strong>the</strong>re.But a zero object is <strong>in</strong>compatible with local b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g. The predicate <strong>in</strong> (5) cannot be<strong>in</strong>terpreted as reflexive.These facts are <strong>in</strong>compatible with any straightforward version of <strong>the</strong> no-competitorapproaches <strong>in</strong> b). That is, even with object agreement <strong>the</strong> pronoun “is” not a reflexive;noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> competition <strong>the</strong>ories would lead us to expect that łuveł + OAgr would be aw<strong>in</strong>ner aga<strong>in</strong>st bare łuveł or bare OAgr (assum<strong>in</strong>g we can compare <strong>the</strong>m, although <strong>the</strong>y reflectdifferent numerations). How does option d) fare?1 The authors are listed alphabetically.
Analysis: The object agreement marker occupies a position after <strong>the</strong> tense marker, preced<strong>in</strong>g<strong>the</strong> subject agreement marker (table 2). Thus, given Baker’s Mirror Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple subjectagreement is higher on <strong>the</strong> verbal sp<strong>in</strong>e than object agreement. Assum<strong>in</strong>g agree-based cha<strong>in</strong>s(Pesetsky and Torrego 2004, implemented as <strong>in</strong> Reuland 2011) object agreement will block<strong>the</strong> formation of a syntactic dependency between <strong>the</strong> T-system and <strong>the</strong> object pronoun bym<strong>in</strong>imality. At <strong>the</strong> stage when subject agreement comes <strong>in</strong>to play object agreement willalready have checked any syntactic property of pronoun (e.g. structural Case) that wouldmake it visible for prob<strong>in</strong>g. Thus, <strong>the</strong> pre-conditions for <strong>the</strong> formation of a cha<strong>in</strong> – whichwould be ill-formed – are not met. Hence, cancellation of <strong>the</strong> derivation does not ensue(Chomsky 1995, Reuland 2011) and <strong>the</strong> pronoun can be variable bound at <strong>the</strong> C-I <strong>in</strong>terface.The second issue is <strong>the</strong> prohibition <strong>in</strong> (2). Object drop <strong>in</strong> isolation does not license reflexivity(see (5)). In order to avoid <strong>the</strong> configuration <strong>in</strong> (2), <strong>the</strong> object argument should be complex. Itis, s<strong>in</strong>ce OAgr licenses a null object. Overt łuveł forms a constituent with <strong>the</strong> null object. Thisanalysis is fur<strong>the</strong>r supported s<strong>in</strong>ce łuveł is also used as an <strong>in</strong>tensifier (note that <strong>in</strong> this capacityit cannot be null):(6) Jełp škola puš-s-əә(t) Komarova łuv joXt-əәs.new school open-PST-3PL Komarova he come-PST.3SGKomarova {<strong>the</strong> governor} herself came for <strong>the</strong> open<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> new school.Thus, <strong>the</strong> structure of (1) under its reflexive <strong>in</strong>terpretation is (7), with ∅ licensed by OAgr.(7) UtltiteXo i [łuveł i ∅] išəәk-s-əәlle.teacher he.ACC ∅ praise-PST-SG.3SG The teacher praised himself.Conclusion: We tested various current approaches to b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> facts from Khanty.It turns out that only an approach as <strong>in</strong> d) can adequately account to <strong>the</strong> use of locally boundpersonal pronouns <strong>in</strong> Khanty. The key factor here is object agreement: it prevents <strong>the</strong>configuration for cha<strong>in</strong>-formation and licenses a complex structure to avoid identicalvariables <strong>in</strong> a local doma<strong>in</strong>.ReferencesBoeckx, C., N. Hornste<strong>in</strong>, and J. Nunes (2007). Overt copies <strong>in</strong> reflexive and controlstructures: A movement analysis. In University of Maryland Work<strong>in</strong>g Papers <strong>in</strong> <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong>,15:1–46. Chomsky, N. (1981). Government and b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g. Foris. Lev<strong>in</strong>son, S. (2000).Presumptive mean<strong>in</strong>gs: The <strong>the</strong>ory of generalized conversational implicature. MIT Press.Nikolaeva, I. (1995). Obdorskij dialekt chantyjskogo jazyka (The Obdorsk dialect of Ostyak)[<strong>in</strong> Russian]. Hamburg. Pesetsky, D. and Torrego, E. (2004). Tense, case, and <strong>the</strong> nature ofsyntactic categories. In Gueron, J. and Lecarme, J. (eds.), The Syntax of Time. MIT Press.Re<strong>in</strong>hart, T. and Reuland, E. (1993). Reflexivity. L<strong>in</strong>guistic <strong>in</strong>quiry, 24(4): 657–720.
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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Constraints on Concept FormationDan
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More on strategies of relativizatio
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Stages of grammaticalization of the