of Paths <strong>in</strong>to P path and P place is syntactically and morphologically grounded crossl<strong>in</strong>guistically.It has also received support <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> compositional semantics literature (Zwarts (2005)and Zwarts and W<strong>in</strong>ter (2000)): paths are systematically constructed from place denotations<strong>in</strong> a compositional fashion. With<strong>in</strong> this system, it can be shown that Paths <strong>the</strong>mselves canei<strong>the</strong>r be bounded (noncumulative) or unbounded (cumulative) (Zwarts (2005)), but alwaysembed a P place P. The Path heads assumed <strong>in</strong> this system can be (at least) to, from andvia (accord<strong>in</strong>g to Svenonius (2010)).Diagnos<strong>in</strong>g Substructure <strong>in</strong> PP paths: Classically <strong>the</strong>n, all paths, both bounded andunbounded conta<strong>in</strong> a P place P at <strong>the</strong> base of <strong>the</strong> projection. But do we really have evidencethat Through paths headed by prepositions like English through conta<strong>in</strong> P place P substructure?I show that if one systematically applies <strong>the</strong> `Aga<strong>in</strong>'-Test to <strong>the</strong> prepositional doma<strong>in</strong>,we get a split that parallels <strong>the</strong> result verb/non-result verb split <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> verbal doma<strong>in</strong>.2. (a) John pushed <strong>the</strong> cart <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> woods aga<strong>in</strong> (repetitive/restitutive)(b) John pushed <strong>the</strong> cart through <strong>the</strong> garden aga<strong>in</strong> (repetitive)Thus, <strong>in</strong> addition to <strong>the</strong> P path comb<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g with P place P to create a derived Path based ona location, we should also allow P path to comb<strong>in</strong>e directly with a DP, on analogy with <strong>the</strong>verbal doma<strong>in</strong>. In <strong>the</strong> VP case, particularly salient is <strong>the</strong> parallel to creation/consumptionverbs, where dynamic verb and DP `Path' comb<strong>in</strong>e under homomorphism, and where <strong>the</strong>path of change is mapped to <strong>the</strong> DP's material part-whole structure. Similarly, P path <strong>in</strong> athrough PP creates a predication of ordered locations from <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternal part-whole structureof its DP complement. In this paper, I show with a series of novel tests applied to PPs thata structural dist<strong>in</strong>ction needs to be made between so-called to-paths which genu<strong>in</strong>ely dohave resultative substructure, and via paths which do not. From-paths will be argued toconta<strong>in</strong> resultative substructure <strong>in</strong> addition to reversative semantics.Comb<strong>in</strong>ability and Commensurability. In <strong>the</strong> second part of <strong>the</strong> paper, I show systematiceects of match<strong>in</strong>g and composition when elements of P and V are comb<strong>in</strong>ed, not just <strong>in</strong>V -PP comb<strong>in</strong>ations but also <strong>in</strong> particle constructions, argu<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> scales <strong>in</strong>volved aresyntactically commensurate. Moreover, I argue that a simpler mapp<strong>in</strong>g between syntax andsemantics is achieved if <strong>the</strong> syntactic decompositional <strong>in</strong>gredients of <strong>the</strong> P and V categoriesare made more parallel. Thus, <strong>the</strong> version of PP structure I propose will be a slight departurefrom <strong>the</strong> strict templaticity of earlier decompositions of P <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature, but one that ismore sensitive to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic diagnostics for predicational substructure, br<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>g toge<strong>the</strong>rverbal and prepositional decompositional criteria for <strong>the</strong> rst time.Consequences for Cartography and Grammatical Architecture. F<strong>in</strong>ally, I turn to<strong>the</strong> case of scalar structure <strong>in</strong> Adjectives. This is an important part of <strong>the</strong> argument becausesemantic parallelism per se does not require true syntactic commensurability. Us<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> samestrict test<strong>in</strong>g standards on adjectives and verbs, I show that <strong>the</strong>re is no compell<strong>in</strong>g evidencethat adjectival scales and scales of change are directly commensurable: boundedness entailmentsdo not go through <strong>in</strong> general (despite recent prom<strong>in</strong>ent claims <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature to <strong>the</strong>contrary Hay et al. 1999, Wechsler 2005), and direct modication is impossible. The conclusionwill be that ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> decomposition of A <strong>in</strong>to general path structure is not motivated<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> syntax at all, or that one has to argue that it is strictly encapsulated. The l<strong>in</strong>guisticevidence regard<strong>in</strong>g P and V is importantly dierent <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> regard. The decomposed pathstructure of V and P, and <strong>the</strong> parallelism <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir cartographies is a robust and excit<strong>in</strong>gresult, with deeper consequences for <strong>the</strong> notion of category.2
ReferencesBeavers, John. 2005. Scalar complexity and <strong>the</strong> structure of events. Ms., Stanford University.Beck, Sigrid and Kyle Johnson. 2002. Double objects aga<strong>in</strong>. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry 35: 97123.den Dikken, Marcel. 2009. On <strong>the</strong> functional structure of locative and directional pps. In The Cartographyof Prepositional Phrases, edited by G. C<strong>in</strong>que and L. Rizzi. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York.Hay, Jennifer, Christopher Kennedy, and Beth Lev<strong>in</strong>. 1999. Scalar structure underlies telicity <strong>in</strong> DegreeAchievements. In Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of SALT IX , edited by Tanya Mat<strong>the</strong>ws and Devon Strolovitch, pp. 127144. CLC Publications, Ithaca, NY.Kennedy, Chris. 1999. Gradable adjectives denote measure functions, not partial functions. Studies <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistic Sciences 29.1.Kennedy, Christopher and Louse McNally. 2005. Scale structure and <strong>the</strong> semantic typology of gradablepredicates. Language 81:2.Koopman, Hilda. 2000. Prepositions, postpositions, circumpositions, and particles. In The Syntax of Speci-ers and Heads, edited by Hilda Koopman, pp. 204260. Routledge, London.Kracht, Marcus. 2002. On <strong>the</strong> semantics of locatives. <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> and Philosophy 25: 157232.Krifka, Manfred. 1989. Nom<strong>in</strong>al reference and temporal constitution and quantication <strong>in</strong> event semantics.In Semantics and Contextual Expression, edited by P. van Emde Boas R. Bartsch, J. van Bentham, pp.75115. Forsi, Dordrecht.Krifka, Manfred. 1992. Thematic relations and l<strong>in</strong>ks between nom<strong>in</strong>al reference and temporal constitution.In Lexical Matters, edited by Ivan A. Sag and Anna Szabolcsi, pp. 2953. CSLI, Stanford, Ca.Rappaport-Hovav, Malka and Beth Lev<strong>in</strong>. 2008. Reections on manner/result complementarity. In Syntax,Lexical Semantics and Event Structure, edited by Edit Doron Malka Rappaport-Hovav and Ivy Sichel,pp. 2137. Oxford University Press.van Riemsdijk, Henk. 1990. Functional prepositions. In Unity <strong>in</strong> Diversity, edited by H. P<strong>in</strong>kster andI. GenÈe, pp. 229241. Foris, Dordrecht.Svenonius, Peter. 2010. Spatial P <strong>in</strong> English. In The Cartography of Syntactic Structures , edited by GuglielmoC<strong>in</strong>que and Luigi Rizzi, vol. 6, Mapp<strong>in</strong>g Spatial PPs. Oxford University Press.Wechsler, Stephen. 2005. Resultatives under <strong>the</strong> `event-argument homomorphism' model of telicity. In TheSyntax of Aspect, edited by N. Erteschik-Shir and T. Rappoport. Oxford University Press, Oxford.Zwarts, Joost. 2005. Prepositional aspect and <strong>the</strong> algebra of paths. To appear, <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> and Philosophy.Zwarts, Joost. 2006. Event shape: Paths <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> semantics of verbs. Ms.Zwarts, Joost and Yoad W<strong>in</strong>ter. 2000. Vector space semantics: A model-<strong>the</strong>oretic analysis of locativeprepositions. Journal of Logic, Language, and <strong>Information</strong> 9: 169211.3
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
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Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the