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[9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, negation and speech act operators. Research on Language& Computation, 4(4):397–423, 2006.[10] L. Rizzi. The fine structure of the left periphery. In L. Haegeman (ed.), editor, Elementsof Grammar, pages 281–337. Kluwer Dordrecht, 1997.[11] M.E.A. Siegel. Gapping and interpretation. Linguistic Inquiry, pages 523–530, 1984.[12] S. Wurmbrand. Nor: neither disjunction nor paradox. Linguistic Inquiry, 39(3):511–522,2008.3
PathsGillian Ramchand, University of Tromsø/CASTLOne of the potential benets of a decomposed and constructivist approach to phrase structureis that generalizations about meaning that have linguistic consequences can be representedwithin the core symbolic system of language (what we traditionally call the `syntax'), thuslocalizing recursion and generativity to a single module. However, it is not always clear inpractice which aspects of meaning should be so represented, or how. Recent cartographicexpansions of the prepositional domain and verbal domain respectively turn out to diercrucially in decisions about how to represent the notion of path. In this paper, I argue onthe basis of linguistic diagnostic evidence that the path-like notions of P and V are semanticallyand syntactically commensurate, and that our cartographies should be adjusted toreect that. As a point of comparison, I will argue that the scalar structure associated withAdjectives is not commensurate with the former two categories in the same way, contra Hayet al. (1999) and Kennedy and McNally (2005).Semantic Parallels: Gradability seems to be a cross-categorial phenomenon: event shapeor trajectory of change for V (Zwarts 2006, Rappaport-Hovav and Levin 2008, Beavers 2005),paths for P (Zwarts 2005, Krifka 1989), and of course property scales for adjectives (Kennedy1999, Kennedy and McNally 2005) Signicantly,the scales corresponding to dierent categorieshave been argued to interact in semantically predictable and systematic ways when inclose syntactic relationship, often via some kind of homomorphism: VP telicity is aectedby the boundedness or quantizedness of the direct object for a certain class of verbs (Krifka1992); VP telicity is aected by the cumulativity of the PP in complement position to theverb (Zwarts 2005); the telicity/boundedness of a deadjectival VP is determined by theboundedness of the scale of the underlying adjectival property (Hay et al. 1999). Arguably,then, the geometric properties of path transcend sortal domain and can be seen to interactwith one another, but to what extent do they play out in the same way in the syntax?Syntactic Representations of V and P: Decomposition of verbal paths classies theevent trajectory more in terms of subevental substructure, or predicational substructurewith dierences in participant role crucially aecting the proposed decompositions. Whenit comes to `paths of change', events can be classied as having a pure process portion withno result (activities), process leading to result (accomplishments), punctual change leadingto result (achievement) (Dowty 1979; Parsons 1990; Pustejovsky 1995; Higginbotham 1999).These notional `paths of change' have been represented explicitly in the syntax by many,based on linguistic evidence, both morphological and semantic. One classic linguistic linguistictest is the von Stechow (1996) test on the scope of again, and its equivalents. Theexistence of a result subcomponent is diagnosed by the presence of a purely restitutive reading,in addition to the expected repetitive one (see also Beck and Johnson 2002).1. (a) Bob pushed the cart again (repetitive)(b) Bob opened the door again (repetitive/restitutive)On the other hand, in work on the decomposition of P Koopman (2000), van Riemsdijk(1990), Svenonius (2010), Kracht (2002), den Dikken (2009), it is assumed that it includesat least a Path Projection which dominates a Place Projection for directional PPs. In languageswhere distinctive morphology is found, the place morpheme is always closer to theroot than path morphology (cf. Svenonius (2010), Kracht (2002)). Thus, the decomposition1
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
Page 94 and 95: Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
Page 96 and 97: Constraints on Concept FormationDan
Page 98 and 99: More on strategies of relativizatio
Page 100 and 101: ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
Page 102 and 103: Improper movement and improper agre
Page 104 and 105: Importantly, while there are plausi
Page 106 and 107: This hypothesis makes two predictio
Page 108 and 109: (3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
Page 110 and 111: (2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
Page 112 and 113: However when the VP (or IP) is elid
Page 114 and 115: More specifically, this work reflec
Page 116 and 117: modality, or ii) see phonology as m
Page 118 and 119: (I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
Page 120 and 121: 1The historical reality of biolingu
Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
Page 124 and 125: Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
Page 126 and 127: THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
Page 128 and 129: Motivating head movement: The case
Page 130 and 131: Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
Page 132 and 133: Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
Page 134 and 135: Same, different, other, and the his
Page 136 and 137: Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
Page 138 and 139: Anaphoric dependencies in real time
Page 140 and 141: Constraining Local Dislocation dial
Page 142 and 143: A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
Page 146 and 147: of Paths into P path and P place is
Page 148 and 149: Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
Page 150 and 151: Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
Page 152 and 153: Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
Page 154 and 155: on v, one associated with uϕ and t
Page 156 and 157: Merge when applied to the SM interf
Page 158 and 159: 1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
Page 160 and 161: Covert without overt: QR for moveme
Page 162 and 163: Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
Page 164 and 165: one where goals receive a theta-rel
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Page 168 and 169: follow Harris in assuming a ranked
Page 170 and 171: changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
Page 172 and 173: Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
Page 174 and 175: Fleshing out this model further, I
Page 176 and 177: (5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
Page 178 and 179: properties with Appl (introduces an
Page 180 and 181: econstruct to position A then we ca
Page 182 and 183: (5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
Page 184 and 185: sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
Page 186 and 187: Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
Page 188 and 189: Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the
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