A Dual-Source Analysis of Gapp<strong>in</strong>gDavid Potter, Michael Frazier, Masaya YoshidaGapp<strong>in</strong>g constructions (1) have long been known to be ambiguous with respect to <strong>the</strong> scopeof modals and negation [11], with <strong>the</strong> scope-tak<strong>in</strong>g material scop<strong>in</strong>g ei<strong>the</strong>r under <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ator,yield<strong>in</strong>g distributed scope, or above <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ator, yield<strong>in</strong>g wide scope. Extant analysesof Gapp<strong>in</strong>g [2, 5, 4, 6, 9] stumble over this ambiguity, fail<strong>in</strong>g to account for its full distributionand a constra<strong>in</strong>t on split scope: multiple scope-tak<strong>in</strong>g elements cannot be split between wideand distributed scopes. In turn, we propose that Gapp<strong>in</strong>g is a heterogenous phenomenon andthat this scope ambiguity should be reduced to a structural ambiguity between <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ationof CPs (2a) and vPs (2b).(1) Jim can’t eat caviar and Sue can’t eat beans.(2) a. [ CP Jim can’t eat caviar ] and [ CP Sue i beans j [ T P t i can’t eat t j ]]b. Jim can’t [ vP eat caviar ] and [ vP Sue i beans j [ vP t i eat t j ]]Distributed scope follows from <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation of scope-tak<strong>in</strong>g material with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> scopeof <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ation; this read<strong>in</strong>g of (1) can be paraphrased as “Jim is not permitted to eatcaviar and Sue is not permitted to eat beans.” In <strong>the</strong> wide scope read<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>the</strong> scope-tak<strong>in</strong>gmaterial scopes over <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ator and can be paraphrased “it is not permitted for Jim to eatcaviar and for Sue to eat beans.” Most o<strong>the</strong>r elements <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> IP and CP doma<strong>in</strong>s participate<strong>in</strong> this ambiguity, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g high adverbs (3), aspect (4), and epistemic and root modality (5).Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, scope-tak<strong>in</strong>g material <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> IP and CP doma<strong>in</strong>s must all take ei<strong>the</strong>r distributed orwide scope. (1) cannot be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as <strong>in</strong> (6a) or (6b): split scope is impossible <strong>in</strong> Gapp<strong>in</strong>g.(3) James is probably writ<strong>in</strong>g his term paper and Mary her f<strong>in</strong>al exam(4) James has been work<strong>in</strong>g hard on <strong>the</strong>ir article and Mary on <strong>the</strong>ir presentation.(5) a. James might vote <strong>in</strong>dependent and Mary Democratb. James can cook <strong>the</strong> pasta and Mary <strong>the</strong> chicken.(6) a. It is not <strong>the</strong> case that Jim is permitted to eat caviar and Sue is permitted to eat beans.b. It is permitted for Jim not to eat caviar and for Sue not to eat beans.Material <strong>in</strong>terpreted below <strong>the</strong> IP doma<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g manner adverbs and adverbial negation (7),can only take distributed scope. However, wh-words at <strong>the</strong> left edge of <strong>the</strong> correlate conjunctare <strong>in</strong>terpreted with a s<strong>in</strong>gle referent, obligatorily tak<strong>in</strong>g wide scope along with can’t (8).(7) a. James quickly ate <strong>the</strong> beans and Mary <strong>the</strong> rice.b. James can’t not eat beans and Mary rice.(8) Who can’t James meet on Monday and Bill on Tuesday?This data suggest that Gapp<strong>in</strong>g is supported <strong>in</strong> exactly two configurations: CP and vPcoord<strong>in</strong>ate structures. In <strong>the</strong> large-conjunct structures, each conjunct conta<strong>in</strong>s a copy of <strong>the</strong>gapped material, result<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> distributed scope read<strong>in</strong>g. Remnants <strong>in</strong>terpreted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> CPdoma<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g epistemic modality (5a)[1], and topicalized elements (9) [10] can receivea distributed <strong>in</strong>terpretation, and so <strong>the</strong> large conjuncts must be full CPs (contra [9, 6, 4]). In<strong>the</strong> small conjunct structures, <strong>the</strong> scope-tak<strong>in</strong>g material <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> IP and CP doma<strong>in</strong>s c-commandsand consequently takes wide scope over <strong>the</strong> low coord<strong>in</strong>ate structure. Material with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> vP1
doma<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g adverbial negation (7b) and manner adverbials (7a), cannot occur above <strong>the</strong>coord<strong>in</strong>ate structure, and so cannot take wide scope. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, assum<strong>in</strong>g that Gapp<strong>in</strong>g issupported <strong>in</strong> only two configurations, <strong>the</strong> split-scope facts follow; <strong>the</strong> relevant scopal materialis ei<strong>the</strong>r entirely conta<strong>in</strong>ed with <strong>the</strong> large conjuncts, or positioned above <strong>the</strong> small conjuncts.No <strong>in</strong>termediate configurations are possible.(9) Beans, Peter can’t eat, and rice, Mary.The gap <strong>in</strong> both structures is derived through ellipsis, licensed by an ellipsis feature [7]hosted on <strong>the</strong> head of a CP-doma<strong>in</strong> FocP [10] or a vP doma<strong>in</strong> FocP [3]. The obligatorily focusedremnants raise to <strong>the</strong> FocP doma<strong>in</strong> to escape ellipsis, follow<strong>in</strong>g [8]. While <strong>the</strong> small-conjunctstructures may be compatible with ei<strong>the</strong>r ellipsis or ATB movement analyses, <strong>the</strong> large-conjunctstructures resist an ATB movement analysis. For parsimony and expository clarity we <strong>the</strong>reforeassume that <strong>the</strong> ellipsis process is identical <strong>in</strong> both large and small conjunct structures.In this analysis, it is <strong>the</strong> complements of <strong>the</strong> FocPs that are elided. This derives <strong>the</strong> wellknown proscription of complementizers <strong>in</strong> Gapp<strong>in</strong>g constructions (10). Complementizers, <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> head of F<strong>in</strong>P <strong>in</strong> large-conjunct structures, are elided as elements of <strong>the</strong> complement of FocP[10]. The conjuncts <strong>in</strong> small-conjunct structures conta<strong>in</strong> no F<strong>in</strong>P, preclud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> appearance ofcomplementizers. This analysis also derives <strong>the</strong> obligatory wide scope of who <strong>in</strong> (8). Englishwh-words raise to FocP, <strong>the</strong>reby escap<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> ellipsis site; any fronted wh-phrase cannot beelided <strong>in</strong> large conjunct structures. Small conjunct structure do permit non-remnant wh-words,which ATB move to <strong>the</strong> shared CP doma<strong>in</strong> from <strong>the</strong> coord<strong>in</strong>ate structure, from which position<strong>the</strong>y take wide-scope, <strong>the</strong> only available parse for (8).(10) Peter th<strong>in</strong>ks that James hates beans and (*that) Mary rice.F<strong>in</strong>ally, we address examples like (11a), <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> disjunction can be <strong>in</strong>terpreted conjunctively[11] even when <strong>the</strong> modal takes distributed scope. If <strong>the</strong> conjunctive read<strong>in</strong>g weresolely due to <strong>the</strong> negation c-command<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> disjunction it would constitute a counterexampleto <strong>the</strong> split scope generalization. We argue that conjunctive or <strong>in</strong> large conjunct structures is avariant of nor, licensed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same manner, by a sentential negation operator [12]. This correctlypredicts <strong>the</strong> ability of nor to replace or exactly when <strong>the</strong> conjunctive read<strong>in</strong>g is available(11b).(11) a. Bill shouldn’t dr<strong>in</strong>k PBR or Jane champagne.b. Bill should dr<strong>in</strong>k PBR *nor/or Jane champagne.References[1] V. Hacquard. On <strong>the</strong> event relativity of modal auxiliaries. Natural language semantics,18(1):79–114, 2010.[2] K. Hartmann. Right node rais<strong>in</strong>g and gapp<strong>in</strong>g: Interface conditions on prosodic deletion.John Benjam<strong>in</strong>s Publish<strong>in</strong>g Company, 2000.[3] K. Jayaseelan. IP-<strong>in</strong>ternal topic and focus phrases. Studia L<strong>in</strong>guistica, 55(1):39–75, 2001.[4] K. Johnson. In search of <strong>the</strong> english middle field. Ms, University of Massachusetts,Amherst, 2004.[5] K. Johnson. Gapp<strong>in</strong>g is not (VP-) ellipsis. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry, 40(2):289–328, 2009.[6] V.I.W. L<strong>in</strong>. Coord<strong>in</strong>ation and shar<strong>in</strong>g at <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terfaces. PhD <strong>the</strong>sis, Massachusetts Instituteof Technology, 2002.[7] J. Merchant. Polarity items under ellipsis. Diagnos<strong>in</strong>g syntax, ed. by Lisa Cheng &Norbert Corver. Oxford: OUP, To Appear.[8] C. Nakao. On focus of negation. In Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>the</strong> 27th West Coast Conference onFormal <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> Poster Session, pages 61–70, 2008.2
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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Structural Asymmetries - The View f
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the