Constra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g Local Dislocation dialect-geographically: V-T-AGR versus V-AGR-T <strong>in</strong> DutchdialectsGertjan Postma (Meertens Institute Amsterdam, gertjan.postma@meertens.knaw.nl)Theoretical frameworks that describe natural language often make a difference betweenphenomena that are central to <strong>the</strong> grammar and phenomena that are more peripheral, for<strong>in</strong>stance <strong>the</strong> "exceptions" <strong>in</strong> traditional grammar. Chomsky (1981), for <strong>in</strong>stance, uses <strong>the</strong>"core grammar" versus "peripheral rules" opposition to validate l<strong>in</strong>guistic data. In articulatedderivational models, such as Distributed Morphology, an elaborated post-syntactic sequenceof ordered modules is assumed, which helps us to situate <strong>the</strong> "exceptions" or <strong>the</strong> "periphery"with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory itself: <strong>the</strong> later <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> derivation, <strong>the</strong> more peripheral <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chomskyansense. Especially, <strong>the</strong> post-l<strong>in</strong>earization part of <strong>the</strong>se morphological modules are assumed tobe ridden with arbitrary phenomena.This DM-model makes a prediction. It is expected that <strong>the</strong> later <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> derivation aphenomenon is ordered, <strong>the</strong> more arbitrary its variation will be, across languages or <strong>the</strong> morearbitrary and scattered <strong>in</strong> a dialect geographical cont<strong>in</strong>uum (Arregi & Nev<strong>in</strong>s 2012:342). For<strong>in</strong>stance, a typical post-l<strong>in</strong>earization phenomenon such as Basque Ergative Meta<strong>the</strong>sis, a caseof Local Dislocation (LD), only shows up <strong>in</strong> some dialects and is assumed not to correlatewith deep syntactic phenomena. If, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, it can be shown that variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>application of LD correlates with an undoubtedly syntactic dimension, it will be an argumentfor situat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> phenomenon higher up <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> derivation.In this talk we study a LD phenomenon <strong>in</strong> Dutch dialects, illustrated <strong>in</strong> (1), where <strong>the</strong>standard V-Tense-AGR order<strong>in</strong>g of morphemes occasionally realizes as V-AGR-Tense. Wecall this effect AGR-<strong>in</strong>trusion, as a parallel term to pronoun-<strong>in</strong>trusion (Barbiers & VanKoppen 2006, B&vK), where V-pronoun-Tense-AGR is realized <strong>in</strong>stead of <strong>the</strong> standard V-Tense-AGR-pronoun, cf. (2).(1) a du klöp-z-de an (AGR <strong>in</strong>trusion, dialect of Venlo)you knock.2sg.past PRTb du klöp-de-s an (common pattern, general Limburgian)you knock-past-2sg PRT'you knocked on <strong>the</strong> door'(2) a Dan wandel-die-de er heen (pronoun <strong>in</strong>trusion, dialect of Rotterdam)<strong>the</strong>n walk-PRON-ed <strong>the</strong>re tob. Dan wandel-de hij er heen (common pattern, general Dutch)<strong>the</strong>n walk-ed PRON <strong>the</strong>re to'Then he walked to it'B&vK opt for a syntactic analysis, by assum<strong>in</strong>g that V strands T <strong>in</strong> its way to C, cf. (3).(3) [ CP XP V [ TP pron [ T -de] [ VP V]]] (T-strand<strong>in</strong>g)↑____________|________|The strict locality of pronoun <strong>in</strong>trusion <strong>in</strong> (2) still allows that it be situated after l<strong>in</strong>earization,i.e. as Local Dislocation. Indeed, <strong>in</strong> direct contexts, where <strong>the</strong> subject precedes <strong>the</strong> verb, nopronoun <strong>in</strong>trusion shows up, i.e. we do not see any k<strong>in</strong>d of doubl<strong>in</strong>g effect SU + V-SU-T-AGR <strong>in</strong> those cases. Pronoun <strong>in</strong>trusion, <strong>the</strong>refore, does not provide a compell<strong>in</strong>g argumentthat favors a syntactic approach over and above a 'late' LD approach.In this talk, we discuss language-<strong>in</strong>ternal and language-external properties of AGR<strong>in</strong>trusionstructures. First, <strong>the</strong> V-AGR-Tense order<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> (1) are only present <strong>in</strong> directcontexts, never <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>verted contexts. As noth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> V-Tense-AGR str<strong>in</strong>g dist<strong>in</strong>guishes<strong>the</strong>se contexts, we must add a diacritic that it sits <strong>in</strong> C. If <strong>the</strong>se structures also sit <strong>in</strong> C <strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>version structures, we have to add more of <strong>the</strong> syntactic environment. This is problematic
for LD. Secondly, <strong>the</strong>y seem to be dialectologically rare. In (4), <strong>the</strong> red dots display <strong>the</strong>scattered nature of <strong>the</strong> AGR-<strong>in</strong>trusion effect, based on <strong>the</strong> MAND database. At first glance,this scattered distribution is predicted by A&N's Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis if we assume a post-l<strong>in</strong>earizationexplanation along <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>es of AGR-Tense Meta<strong>the</strong>sis. Closer dialect-geographical<strong>in</strong>vestigation shows <strong>the</strong>y are far from random.(4) (5)Dutch dialects can be divided <strong>in</strong>to a dialect area with AGR T/C (<strong>in</strong>version paradigms), anddialects with uniform AGR C (Postma 2012). Curiously, AGR <strong>in</strong>trusion typically occurs on <strong>the</strong>borderl<strong>in</strong>e of <strong>the</strong>se two dialect areas, schematized <strong>in</strong> (5).Dutch dialects with AGR C and AGR T are dialects <strong>in</strong> which T-to-C is not generalized,e.g. T-to-C is absent <strong>in</strong> (some) direct SV clauses. We, <strong>the</strong>refore, assume that <strong>in</strong>trusion dialectscomb<strong>in</strong>e properties of both dialect areas: <strong>the</strong>y realize V-to-C (generalized V2, German-typedialects) and block T-to-C (Dutch-type dialects), provid<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> structure as <strong>in</strong> (6).(6) [ CP du V-AGR [ TP du [ T -de] [ VP V]]] T-strand<strong>in</strong>g↑____________|________|This is a T-strand<strong>in</strong>g structure just as <strong>in</strong> (3). However, application of B&vK's approach toAGR-<strong>in</strong>trusion allows us to construct <strong>the</strong> language-contact argument <strong>in</strong> favor of a syntacticaccount. We <strong>the</strong>n present a m<strong>in</strong>imalistic calculus of this structure that expla<strong>in</strong>s 1. why AGR<strong>in</strong>trusiononly occurs <strong>in</strong> direct contexts, 2. <strong>the</strong> syntactic <strong>in</strong>gredients that are comb<strong>in</strong>ed(uniform V2 and T-to-C block<strong>in</strong>g): T-to-C is blocked if a subject passes through specTP onits way to specCP. It creates an economy violation, very similar to <strong>the</strong> that-trace effects <strong>in</strong>WH extraction: *{T-to-C + specTP-to-specCP}, cf. Pesetsky & Torrego (2001). This causesV to strand T <strong>in</strong> its way to C. If ano<strong>the</strong>r constituent moves to specCP, <strong>the</strong> subject sits <strong>in</strong>specTP and no that-trace violation looms, i.e. no AGR <strong>in</strong>trusion. The calculus also expla<strong>in</strong>swhy B&vK's pronoun <strong>in</strong>trusion only occurs <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>version contexts. The idea is that <strong>the</strong> postverbalpronoun <strong>in</strong> (3) moves covertly to CP because of discours features, thus creat<strong>in</strong>g a thattraceconfiguration. That is why bona fide 3 personal pronouns, like zij/ze 'she' do not <strong>in</strong>trude:(7) *dan wandel-ze-de er heen '<strong>the</strong>n she walked to it'We conclude that AGR <strong>in</strong>trusion is a syntactically motivated process that comb<strong>in</strong>es syntacticproperties of two dialect areas. The enterprise illustrates <strong>the</strong> relevance of dialect geographicalvariation for grammatical analysis.• References: • Arregi, Karlos & Andrew Nev<strong>in</strong>s (2012). Morphotactics - Basque Auxiliariesand <strong>the</strong> Structure of Spellout. Amsterdam. • Barbiers, S. & M. van Koppen (2006). Een plaatsvoor tijd <strong>in</strong> het middenveld van het Nederlands. Taal & Tongval, 19, 24-39. • Boskovic, Z. &J. Nunes. The Copy Theory of Movement: A view from PF. In Norbert Corver & Nunes(eds). The copy <strong>the</strong>ory of Movement. Amsterdam. • Chomsky, N. 1981. Lectures onGovernment and B<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g. Dordrecht. • Harris, James, and Morris Halle. 2005. Unexpectedplural <strong>in</strong>flections <strong>in</strong> Spanish: Reduplication and Meta<strong>the</strong>sis. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Inquiry 36:192–222.
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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feature on C and applies after Agre
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Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the