Selectivity <strong>in</strong> L3 transfer: effects of typological and l<strong>in</strong>guistic similarity <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> L3Turkish of Uzbek-Russian bil<strong>in</strong>gualsÖner Özçelik(Indiana University Bloom<strong>in</strong>gton)A sentence such as (1) is scopally ambiguous: It has a surface (see (1a)) and an <strong>in</strong>verse scope((1b)) <strong>in</strong>terpretation:(1) Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d two guys.a. It is not <strong>the</strong> case that Jack found two guys. (e.g. Donald found one guy, three guys,no guys, etc.)b. There are two guys that Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d.L1 acquisition research has found, with truth-value judgments (TVJs), that English-speak<strong>in</strong>gchildren consistently <strong>in</strong>terpret <strong>the</strong>se sentences on <strong>the</strong>ir surface scope read<strong>in</strong>g, though adultsprefer <strong>in</strong>verse scope read<strong>in</strong>gs (e.g. Musol<strong>in</strong>o 1998; Musol<strong>in</strong>o, Cra<strong>in</strong> & Thornton 2000; Lidz &Musol<strong>in</strong>o 2002). Given <strong>the</strong> Semantic Subset Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple (Cra<strong>in</strong>, Ni & Conway 1994), one<strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>the</strong>se facts has been that (1a) is children’s <strong>in</strong>itial hypo<strong>the</strong>sis, and that <strong>the</strong>yadd (1b) on <strong>the</strong> basis of positive evidence (though see Gualm<strong>in</strong>i 2003, 2004). Given also that<strong>the</strong>re are languages like Turkish, which allows only (1a) (see (2)), it has been argued that<strong>the</strong>re is a b<strong>in</strong>ary parameter of UG which dist<strong>in</strong>guishes superset languages like English fromsubset languages like Turkish (Özçelik 2011):(2) Jack iki kişi bul-ma-dı.Jack two person f<strong>in</strong>d-NEG-PAST“Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d two guys.”✓ a. It is not <strong>the</strong> case that Jack found two guys. (e.g. Donald found one guy, threeguys, no guys, etc.)* b. There are two guys that Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d.We focus on this issue, for <strong>the</strong> first time, from <strong>the</strong> perspective of L3 acquisition. We<strong>in</strong>vestigate L3 acquisition of Turkish by Uzbek-Russian bil<strong>in</strong>guals. Uzbek, a Turkic languagethat is typologically and structurally similar to Turkish and is mutually understandable with it,is surpris<strong>in</strong>gly like English with respect to this parameter. As with English, it has both surfaceand <strong>in</strong>verse scope <strong>in</strong>terpretations of sentences with quantification and negation (see (3)):(3) Jack ikki kishi-ni top-ma-di.Jack two person-Acc f<strong>in</strong>d-NEG-PAST“Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d two guys.”✓ a. It is not <strong>the</strong> case that Jack found two guys.✓ b. There are two guys that Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d.On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, Russian, which is typologically more like English than Turkish, behaveslike Turkish with respect to this parameter, as it does not, arguably, allow quantifier rais<strong>in</strong>g(see e.g. Ion<strong>in</strong> 2001):
(4) Jack ne našel dvux mal'čikov.Jack not found two boys“Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d two guys.”✓ a. It is not <strong>the</strong> case that Jack found two guys.* b. There are two guys that Jack didn’t f<strong>in</strong>d.In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> learn<strong>in</strong>g scenario here is ideal <strong>in</strong> that it allows us to disentangle <strong>the</strong> effectsof typological vs. structural similarity <strong>in</strong> lead<strong>in</strong>g to syntactic transfer. If, as ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed by <strong>the</strong>Cumulative Enhancement Model (CEM) (Flynn et al. 2004), transfer is ei<strong>the</strong>r facilitative orrema<strong>in</strong>s neutral, <strong>the</strong> similarity between Russian and Turkish with respect to <strong>the</strong> structure<strong>in</strong>vestigated here, i.e. quantificational scope, should have a scaffold<strong>in</strong>g effect on <strong>the</strong>acquisition of <strong>the</strong> relevant structure <strong>in</strong> Turkish by Uzbek-Russian bil<strong>in</strong>guals; knowledge ofRussian should, <strong>in</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r words, enhance subsequent acquisition of Turkish while knowledgeof Uzbek rema<strong>in</strong>s neutral <strong>in</strong> this regard. To put it ano<strong>the</strong>r way, under <strong>the</strong> CEM, transfer is notexpected to obta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Uzbek to Turkish direction. If, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, typology is <strong>the</strong>determ<strong>in</strong>istic factor, as proposed by <strong>the</strong> Typological Primacy Model (TPM) (Rothman 2011),l<strong>in</strong>guistic properties of <strong>the</strong> closest (psycho)typological language, i.e. Uzbek <strong>in</strong> this case, willconstitute <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial state, ra<strong>the</strong>r than Russian, even though Russian provides <strong>the</strong> best/mostideal source for transfer here. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, non-facilitative transfer, under <strong>the</strong> TPM, ispossible, based on perceived typological proximity.To pursue <strong>the</strong>se issues, we conducted an experiment, test<strong>in</strong>g adult Uzbek-‐ Russianbil<strong>in</strong>gual learners of Turkish, of different proficiency levels, on <strong>the</strong> same structures, and us<strong>in</strong>g<strong>the</strong> same task. The task <strong>in</strong>volves TVJs of sentences like (2). Sentence (2) is presentedfollow<strong>in</strong>g a story where Jack Plays hide-‐and-‐seek with four of his friends, and, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> end,f<strong>in</strong>ds two of <strong>the</strong> four guys. In such a context, (2) would be true on its <strong>in</strong>verse scope<strong>in</strong>terpretation (if available, as with (1b)) whereas it is false on its surface scope <strong>in</strong>terpretation.Given <strong>the</strong> Maxim of Charity (Grice 1975), one would choose <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation that makes <strong>the</strong>sentence true (i.e. <strong>in</strong>verse scope) if both <strong>in</strong>terpretations are accessible, and would, <strong>the</strong>refore,accept (2). If, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> (2b) <strong>in</strong>terpretation is not available, as with <strong>the</strong> targetlanguage Turkish, one would reject (2), s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> only <strong>in</strong>terpretation that is available is <strong>the</strong>one that makes <strong>the</strong> sentence false. Prelim<strong>in</strong>ary results, based on 7 Uzbek-‐Russian bil<strong>in</strong>guallearners of Turkish, show that <strong>the</strong>se learners accept such sentences, <strong>in</strong>dicat<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong>y have<strong>the</strong> additional <strong>in</strong>verse scope <strong>in</strong>terpretation that is not available <strong>in</strong> Turkish or Russian, but isavailable <strong>in</strong> Uzbek, a response pattern similar to Uzbek (and English) native speakers.In conclusion, even though one of <strong>the</strong> previously acquired languages (i.e. Russian)provides <strong>the</strong> features needed for immediate successful L3 acquisition, as this language is also<strong>the</strong> system that is perceived as less typologically similar to <strong>the</strong> target language (Turkish),transfer is not activated, contra <strong>the</strong> CEM. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, as is predicted by <strong>the</strong> TPM, transfer isactivated on <strong>the</strong> basis of (perceived) typological similarity, even though this leads to a lessoptimal result, as <strong>the</strong> source language (Uzbek) and <strong>the</strong> L3 (Turkish) behave ra<strong>the</strong>r differentlywith respect to <strong>the</strong> parameter tested here, despite <strong>the</strong> general similarity between <strong>the</strong> twolanguages, which are both members of <strong>the</strong> Turkic language family and are mutuallyunderstandable
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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a PF interface phenomenon as propos
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(b) Once the learner has determined
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cognitive recursion (including Merg
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can be null, or lexically realized,
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- Page 94 and 95: Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
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- Page 120 and 121: 1The historical reality of biolingu
- Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
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- Page 130 and 131: Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
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- Page 148 and 149: Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
- Page 150 and 151: Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
- Page 152 and 153: Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
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- Page 172 and 173: Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the