Motivat<strong>in</strong>g head movement: The case of negative <strong>in</strong>version <strong>in</strong> West Texas EnglishSab<strong>in</strong>a Matyiku (sab<strong>in</strong>a.matyiku@yale.edu)Yale UniversityNegative <strong>in</strong>version (or Declarative Negative Auxiliary Inversion) is a phenomenon present <strong>in</strong>some varieties of North American English such as African American English, AppalachianEnglish, and West Texas English (WTE). Constructions exhibit<strong>in</strong>g negative <strong>in</strong>version are declarativesand conta<strong>in</strong> a clause-<strong>in</strong>itial negated auxiliary or modal followed by a quantificationalsubject, as <strong>in</strong> (1). The correspond<strong>in</strong>g non-<strong>in</strong>verted construction is often also possible, as <strong>in</strong> (2).(1) Didn’t everybody go to <strong>the</strong> party. (WTE; Foreman, 1999)(2) Everybody didn’t go to <strong>the</strong> party. (WTE; Foreman, 1999)The properties of negative <strong>in</strong>version: (i) it can only occur <strong>in</strong> negated clauses conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>sentential negation morpheme n’t, (ii) it is licensed <strong>in</strong> embedded clauses with an overt complementizer,and (iii) it has a restriction on <strong>the</strong> types of subjects it allows. Regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> lastproperty, it is typically observed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> literature that def<strong>in</strong>ite subjects are disallowed. I showthat <strong>the</strong> subject restriction is more subtle, and argue that negative <strong>in</strong>version will only occurwith quantificational subjects which <strong>in</strong>teract scopally with negation. Foreman (1999) po<strong>in</strong>tsout that <strong>the</strong> sentence <strong>in</strong> (2) is ambiguous. In one <strong>in</strong>terpretation, <strong>the</strong> subject quantifier scopesover sentential negation and <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r <strong>in</strong>terpretation, negation scopes over <strong>the</strong> quantifier. Thesentence <strong>in</strong> (1), however, is unambiguous with only negation scop<strong>in</strong>g over <strong>the</strong> quantifier. Thepresent analysis builds on <strong>the</strong>se scope facts.I follow prior movement analyses of negative <strong>in</strong>version <strong>in</strong> assum<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> construction exhibit<strong>in</strong>gnegative <strong>in</strong>version is derived from its non-<strong>in</strong>verted counterpart by head movement of<strong>the</strong> auxiliary to a position higher than <strong>the</strong> subject (Labov, Cohen, Rob<strong>in</strong>s, & Lewis, 1968;Labov, 1972; Mart<strong>in</strong>, 1993; Foreman, 1999; Green, 2008, 2011). Follow<strong>in</strong>g Foreman (1999), Iassume that <strong>the</strong> auxiliary raises to Neg 2 o , a projection available <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> CP layer of WTE whichoccurs above T o and below C o . The structure of (2) is derived as <strong>in</strong> (3) and <strong>the</strong> structure of (1)is derived as <strong>in</strong> (4).(3) [ TP everybody didn’t everybody go to <strong>the</strong> party](4) [ Neg2o didn’t [ TP everybody didn’t everybody go to <strong>the</strong> party]]This analysis differs from o<strong>the</strong>r analyses <strong>in</strong> motivat<strong>in</strong>g head movement as a way to resolvescope ambiguity. I propose that negative <strong>in</strong>version can only be derived from scopally ambiguousstructures and fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, that negative <strong>in</strong>version will result <strong>in</strong> negation tak<strong>in</strong>g wide scopeover <strong>the</strong> subject. I argue that movement <strong>in</strong> unambiguous structures is ruled out by posit<strong>in</strong>g ascope economy pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> spirit of Fox (2000), as <strong>in</strong> (5).(5) Pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of Scope EconomyA scope-shift<strong>in</strong>g operation can move an operator O overtly only if <strong>the</strong> result<strong>in</strong>gstructure is less ambiguous than its source, i.e.OXYt ⊂YO
I assume that syntactic structure can be scopally ambiguous and that <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation of astructure can be a set of mean<strong>in</strong>gs. The <strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>the</strong> pre-movement structure <strong>in</strong> (3)has two mean<strong>in</strong>gs, one <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> quantificational subject scopes over negation and <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<strong>in</strong> which negation scopes over <strong>the</strong> quantifier, whereas <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>the</strong> post-movementstructure (4) conta<strong>in</strong>s only <strong>the</strong> latter mean<strong>in</strong>g.Structures conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g non-quantificational subjects, as <strong>in</strong> (6), do not have <strong>in</strong>verted counterparts,as <strong>in</strong> (7), because derivations conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g movement which does not derive a change <strong>in</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>gare ruled out by economy pr<strong>in</strong>ciples.(6) Jack can’t beat <strong>the</strong>m. (WTE)(7) *Can’t Jack beat <strong>the</strong>m. (WTE)Subjects which are not def<strong>in</strong>ite but which do not <strong>in</strong>teract scopally with negation, few (8) andsome (9), are not ruled out <strong>in</strong> previous analyses but <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> present analysis. Because<strong>the</strong> pre-movement structure for <strong>the</strong>se sentences is unambiguous, negative <strong>in</strong>version is ruled outby <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of scope economy.(8) *Didn’t few people live <strong>the</strong>re <strong>the</strong>n. (WTE)(9) *Didn’t some people come. (WTE)I argue for a movement analysis of negative <strong>in</strong>version which resolves scopal ambiguity. Adopt<strong>in</strong>ga pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of scope economy provides a uniform account of <strong>the</strong> properties of negative<strong>in</strong>version. Negative <strong>in</strong>version is licit when negation <strong>in</strong>teracts scopally with a quantificationalsubject because <strong>the</strong> result<strong>in</strong>g structure is less ambiguous whereas movement <strong>in</strong> sentences lack<strong>in</strong>gambiguity is ruled out by economy pr<strong>in</strong>ciples.REFERENCESForeman, J. (1999). Syntax of negative <strong>in</strong>version <strong>in</strong> non-standard English. In K. Shah<strong>in</strong>,S. Blake, & E.-S. Kim (Eds.), Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>the</strong> Seventeenth West Coast Conference onFormal <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong>. Stanford: CSLI.Green, L. (2008, April). Negative <strong>in</strong>version and negative focus. (Paper presented at GeorgetownUniversity)Green, L. (2011). Force, focus, and negation <strong>in</strong> African American English. (Paper presented at<strong>the</strong> 2011 Annual Meet<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> L<strong>in</strong>guistic Society of America)Labov, W. (1972). Negative attraction and negative concord <strong>in</strong> English grammar. Language,48(4), 773-818.Labov, W., Cohen, P., Rob<strong>in</strong>s, C., & Lewis, J. (1968). A study of nonstandard English of Negroand Puerto Rican speakers <strong>in</strong> New York City. Philadelphia: US Regional Survey.Mart<strong>in</strong>, S. E. (1993). “Negative Inversion” sentences <strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn White English Vernacularand Black English Vernacular. In C. A. Mason, S. M. Powers, & C. Schmitt (Eds.),University of Maryland Work<strong>in</strong>g Papers <strong>in</strong> <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> (Vol. 1, p. 49-56).2
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the