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Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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d. FRENCH: [l] [ui] De. SPANISH: [l]-e DX DThis tree depicts four hierarchically ordered layers. Follow<strong>in</strong>g KAYNE 2008 and CAHA2009, MARTIN 2012 suggests that grammatically complex clitics may conta<strong>in</strong> as subparts grammaticallysimpler ones, and shows this for dative clitics, which amount to <strong>the</strong> structure [D +DEIX], as transparently shown by Catalan (3a). The hierarchy is mirrored <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> morphologicalstructure and syntactic behavior of clitics, and maps onto <strong>the</strong> four <strong>in</strong>terpretive classes of (pro-)nom<strong>in</strong>als. Thus, partitive clitics are entirely devoid of extended structure. They are pro-forms forempty noun phrases, and can only be <strong>in</strong>terpreted predicatively, occupy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terior of <strong>the</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>alphase. Climb<strong>in</strong>g up <strong>the</strong> phase, we f<strong>in</strong>d weak accusative clitics next, which project a D layerthat endows <strong>the</strong>m with gender and number features, correspond<strong>in</strong>g to a ‘lower’ region of D thatallows ϕ-features. These correlate with weak referentiality properties (card<strong>in</strong>al <strong>in</strong>terpretations)and feature scope and bound read<strong>in</strong>gs. Strong accusative clitics <strong>in</strong>volve an additional deictic layer(JAYASEELAN & HARIPRASAD 2001). D stays <strong>in</strong> place, and this allows gender features, but D isbound by <strong>the</strong> deictic head, which imposes a referential (3 rd person) strong <strong>in</strong>terpretation with referentialimport. The difference between <strong>the</strong> two k<strong>in</strong>ds of accusative clitics is not morphological<strong>in</strong> Romance, but it is <strong>in</strong> languages like Kannada (LIDZ 2006) or Hebrew (DANON 2006). Dativeclitics <strong>in</strong> turn pattern with personal clitics, as <strong>the</strong>y are dependent for <strong>in</strong>terpretation on <strong>the</strong> systemof participants <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> discourse, <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g an additional D layer on top of <strong>the</strong> deictic head. Thatadditional head, overtly visible <strong>in</strong> Catalan (3a), gives <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong>ir deictic <strong>in</strong>terpretation, which isexactly <strong>the</strong> same that we see <strong>in</strong> personal clitics (1 st &2 nd person). Because <strong>the</strong> dative can be lexicalizedby any part of <strong>the</strong> complex dative phrase, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g silent, it is quite expectedthat <strong>the</strong> dative can have <strong>the</strong> overt form of an accusative (standard Catalan 3 rd person plural dative:els), <strong>the</strong> form of a locative (Paduan ghe), <strong>the</strong> form of a locative plus an accusative (Sard<strong>in</strong>ian[bi+lis]), or <strong>the</strong> form of a dative plus a locative (colloquial Catalan [els+hi]). That extra D layer –an extension of <strong>the</strong> phase edge lead<strong>in</strong>g to a D-field and trigger<strong>in</strong>g D-to-D movement – provides<strong>the</strong>se clitics with a number of morphological and syntactic properties: (i) Dative (and personal)clitics don’t get gender features (<strong>in</strong> virtually all of Romance), as <strong>the</strong>y are blocked by person features(gender and person features are <strong>in</strong> complementary distribution); (ii) The [D + DEIX] configurationaccounts for <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>trigu<strong>in</strong>g morphological form of dative clitics <strong>in</strong> some Romance languages,like for <strong>in</strong>stance Catalan [els hi], with [hi] a locative/deictic clitic. It also accounts for <strong>the</strong>formal syncretism of dative and locative clitics <strong>in</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Italian languages such as Paduan(3b); (iii) The fact that dative clitics <strong>in</strong>clude accusatives also gives a pr<strong>in</strong>cipled explanation tomany syntactic puzzles of <strong>the</strong>se clitics, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g opacity <strong>in</strong> clitic clusters, or <strong>the</strong> Person CaseConstra<strong>in</strong>t (BOECKX & MARTIN, <strong>in</strong> press).CONCLUSION: Indexicality is essential because forms of reference systematically exhibit<strong>in</strong>ggreater grammatical complexity cannot be replaced by forms <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g lesser complexity.REFERENCES: Arsenijević, B. & W. H<strong>in</strong>zen 2012 On <strong>the</strong> absence of X-with<strong>in</strong>-X recursion <strong>in</strong> human grammar.LI 43: 423-440; Boeckx, C. & T. Mart<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong> press, El clitic datiu és més que un clitic. Lleida: Pagès; Caha, P. 2009The nanosyntax of Case. PhD Diss, Universitetet Tromsø; Danon, G. 2006 Caseless nom<strong>in</strong>als and <strong>the</strong> projection ofDP. NLLT 24: 977-1008; Jayaseelan & Hariprasad 2001 Deixis <strong>in</strong> pronouns and nouns phrases. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Analysis31: 132-147; Kaplan, D. 1989 Demonstratives. In J.Almog et al., Themes from Kaplan. OUP, 481-563; Kayne, R.2008 Expletives, datives, and <strong>the</strong> tension between morphology and syntax. In T.Biberauer, ed. The Limits of SyntacticVariation. Benjam<strong>in</strong>s, 175-217; Lewis, D. 1983; Longobardi, G. 2005 Toward a unified grammar of reference.Z. f. Sprachwissenschaft 24: 5-44; Mart<strong>in</strong>, T. 2012 Deconstruct<strong>in</strong>g Catalan Object Clitics. PhD Diss, NYU; Perry,J. 1993; The Problem of <strong>the</strong> Essential Indexical and O<strong>the</strong>r Essays. OUP. M. Sheehan & W. H<strong>in</strong>zen 2011 Mov<strong>in</strong>gtowards <strong>the</strong> edge. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Analysis 37: 405-458. Watson et al. 2012. Use of second person pronouns and schizophrenia.BJP 200: 342-343.

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