THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXICALTxuss Martín & Wolfram H<strong>in</strong>zen, Department of Philosophy, Durham University, UKPronouns are said to uniquely exhibit ‘essentially <strong>in</strong>dexical’ forms of referential use (KAPLAN1989, PERRY 1993, LEWIS 1983): for example, ‘I’ does not mean ‘<strong>the</strong> speaker’ or ‘Bob’, even if Iutter ‘I’ and am Bob. Commonly, <strong>the</strong> phenomenon is modeled formal-semantically through acharacter-content dist<strong>in</strong>ction and evaluation relative to both worlds and contexts. Here we askwhy <strong>the</strong> phenomenon exists <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> first place, and argue that <strong>in</strong>spection of <strong>the</strong> non-l<strong>in</strong>guistic contextdoes not <strong>in</strong> fact br<strong>in</strong>g out what makes 1 st person reference to an <strong>in</strong>dividual different from 3 rdperson reference to it. Pronoun use <strong>in</strong> mental illness (e.g. WATSON et al., 2012) also suggests thata speaker can know <strong>the</strong> speaker/agent of <strong>the</strong> context without know<strong>in</strong>g whe<strong>the</strong>r it is ‘I’. We arguethat essential <strong>in</strong>dexicality <strong>in</strong>volves <strong>the</strong> Person system essentially and is uniquely grammaticalra<strong>the</strong>r than lexical or semantic. Indeed, qua lexical items, pronouns can lack such uses.LONGOBARDI 2005 proposes <strong>the</strong> ‘Topological Mapp<strong>in</strong>g Hypo<strong>the</strong>sis’, accord<strong>in</strong>g to which<strong>the</strong> forms of nom<strong>in</strong>al reference are not regulated lexically or semantically but by <strong>the</strong> ‘topology’of <strong>the</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>al phase (object-reference iff N-to-D movement or expletive-associate CHAINS).SHEEHAN & HINZEN 2011, <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> phase as <strong>the</strong> smallest unit of referential-deictic significance<strong>in</strong> grammar (ARSENIJEVIĆ & HINZEN 2012), capture <strong>the</strong> relevant topological pr<strong>in</strong>ciple as‘movement to <strong>the</strong> edge’, extend<strong>in</strong>g it fur<strong>the</strong>r to <strong>the</strong> clausal phase (fact/truth reference iff T-to-Cmovement, based on evidence from V2, root phenomena, and expletive-associate CHAINS). Irrespectiveof lexical category, <strong>the</strong>n, <strong>the</strong> phase exhibits a phase <strong>in</strong>terior provid<strong>in</strong>g descriptive content,and a phase edge, which needs to be strongly filled for referential uses:(1) a. (saw) [ EDGE *(<strong>the</strong>) [ INTERIOR mayor of Paris]]b. (resents) [ EDGE *(that) [ INTERIOR <strong>the</strong> mayor of Paris is dead]]Interpretations of this template range from purely predicative (maximally <strong>in</strong>tensional) to quantificational(scope-bear<strong>in</strong>g), to 3 rd person object-referential. Here we extend <strong>the</strong> relevant mapp<strong>in</strong>gpr<strong>in</strong>ciples fur<strong>the</strong>r, to deictic to personal forms of reference, as follows:(2) TOPOLOGICAL MAPPING PRINCIPLES:a. Predicative → phase <strong>in</strong>terior only → [ EDGE ∅ [ INT man ]]b. Quantificational → edge + <strong>in</strong>terior → [ EDGE a [ INT man ]]c. Referential (3P) → edge + → [ EDGE John [ INT ]]d. Deictic reference → edge + (<strong>in</strong>terior) → [ EDGE this / ☞ [ INT (man)]]e. Personal (1st/2nd) → phase edge only → [ EDGE I [ INT ∅ ]]We demonstrate (2e) through a systematic morpho-syntactic decomposition of Romance objectclitics, which exhibit a stepwise <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> grammatical complexity with each layer <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> hierarchyof referentiality above. MARTIN 2012 argues for <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g structure:(3) DP ⇒ dativewo(deictic)4 DxP ⇒ strong accusativeD wo (referential)DX D ⇒ weak accusativewo(quantificational)D NP ⇒ partitivea. CATALAN: [l(s)] [i] L(S) 4 (predicative)b. PADUAN: D [ge] Dc. SARDINIAN: D [bi] [li(s)]
d. FRENCH: [l] [ui] De. SPANISH: [l]-e DX DThis tree depicts four hierarchically ordered layers. Follow<strong>in</strong>g KAYNE 2008 and CAHA2009, MARTIN 2012 suggests that grammatically complex clitics may conta<strong>in</strong> as subparts grammaticallysimpler ones, and shows this for dative clitics, which amount to <strong>the</strong> structure [D +DEIX], as transparently shown by Catalan (3a). The hierarchy is mirrored <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> morphologicalstructure and syntactic behavior of clitics, and maps onto <strong>the</strong> four <strong>in</strong>terpretive classes of (pro-)nom<strong>in</strong>als. Thus, partitive clitics are entirely devoid of extended structure. They are pro-forms forempty noun phrases, and can only be <strong>in</strong>terpreted predicatively, occupy<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terior of <strong>the</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>alphase. Climb<strong>in</strong>g up <strong>the</strong> phase, we f<strong>in</strong>d weak accusative clitics next, which project a D layerthat endows <strong>the</strong>m with gender and number features, correspond<strong>in</strong>g to a ‘lower’ region of D thatallows ϕ-features. These correlate with weak referentiality properties (card<strong>in</strong>al <strong>in</strong>terpretations)and feature scope and bound read<strong>in</strong>gs. Strong accusative clitics <strong>in</strong>volve an additional deictic layer(JAYASEELAN & HARIPRASAD 2001). D stays <strong>in</strong> place, and this allows gender features, but D isbound by <strong>the</strong> deictic head, which imposes a referential (3 rd person) strong <strong>in</strong>terpretation with referentialimport. The difference between <strong>the</strong> two k<strong>in</strong>ds of accusative clitics is not morphological<strong>in</strong> Romance, but it is <strong>in</strong> languages like Kannada (LIDZ 2006) or Hebrew (DANON 2006). Dativeclitics <strong>in</strong> turn pattern with personal clitics, as <strong>the</strong>y are dependent for <strong>in</strong>terpretation on <strong>the</strong> systemof participants <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> discourse, <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g an additional D layer on top of <strong>the</strong> deictic head. Thatadditional head, overtly visible <strong>in</strong> Catalan (3a), gives <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong>ir deictic <strong>in</strong>terpretation, which isexactly <strong>the</strong> same that we see <strong>in</strong> personal clitics (1 st &2 nd person). Because <strong>the</strong> dative can be lexicalizedby any part of <strong>the</strong> complex dative phrase, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g silent, it is quite expectedthat <strong>the</strong> dative can have <strong>the</strong> overt form of an accusative (standard Catalan 3 rd person plural dative:els), <strong>the</strong> form of a locative (Paduan ghe), <strong>the</strong> form of a locative plus an accusative (Sard<strong>in</strong>ian[bi+lis]), or <strong>the</strong> form of a dative plus a locative (colloquial Catalan [els+hi]). That extra D layer –an extension of <strong>the</strong> phase edge lead<strong>in</strong>g to a D-field and trigger<strong>in</strong>g D-to-D movement – provides<strong>the</strong>se clitics with a number of morphological and syntactic properties: (i) Dative (and personal)clitics don’t get gender features (<strong>in</strong> virtually all of Romance), as <strong>the</strong>y are blocked by person features(gender and person features are <strong>in</strong> complementary distribution); (ii) The [D + DEIX] configurationaccounts for <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>trigu<strong>in</strong>g morphological form of dative clitics <strong>in</strong> some Romance languages,like for <strong>in</strong>stance Catalan [els hi], with [hi] a locative/deictic clitic. It also accounts for <strong>the</strong>formal syncretism of dative and locative clitics <strong>in</strong> Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Italian languages such as Paduan(3b); (iii) The fact that dative clitics <strong>in</strong>clude accusatives also gives a pr<strong>in</strong>cipled explanation tomany syntactic puzzles of <strong>the</strong>se clitics, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g opacity <strong>in</strong> clitic clusters, or <strong>the</strong> Person CaseConstra<strong>in</strong>t (BOECKX & MARTIN, <strong>in</strong> press).CONCLUSION: Indexicality is essential because forms of reference systematically exhibit<strong>in</strong>ggreater grammatical complexity cannot be replaced by forms <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g lesser complexity.REFERENCES: Arsenijević, B. & W. H<strong>in</strong>zen 2012 On <strong>the</strong> absence of X-with<strong>in</strong>-X recursion <strong>in</strong> human grammar.LI 43: 423-440; Boeckx, C. & T. Mart<strong>in</strong>, <strong>in</strong> press, El clitic datiu és més que un clitic. Lleida: Pagès; Caha, P. 2009The nanosyntax of Case. PhD Diss, Universitetet Tromsø; Danon, G. 2006 Caseless nom<strong>in</strong>als and <strong>the</strong> projection ofDP. NLLT 24: 977-1008; Jayaseelan & Hariprasad 2001 Deixis <strong>in</strong> pronouns and nouns phrases. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Analysis31: 132-147; Kaplan, D. 1989 Demonstratives. In J.Almog et al., Themes from Kaplan. OUP, 481-563; Kayne, R.2008 Expletives, datives, and <strong>the</strong> tension between morphology and syntax. In T.Biberauer, ed. The Limits of SyntacticVariation. Benjam<strong>in</strong>s, 175-217; Lewis, D. 1983; Longobardi, G. 2005 Toward a unified grammar of reference.Z. f. Sprachwissenschaft 24: 5-44; Mart<strong>in</strong>, T. 2012 Deconstruct<strong>in</strong>g Catalan Object Clitics. PhD Diss, NYU; Perry,J. 1993; The Problem of <strong>the</strong> Essential Indexical and O<strong>the</strong>r Essays. OUP. M. Sheehan & W. H<strong>in</strong>zen 2011 Mov<strong>in</strong>gtowards <strong>the</strong> edge. L<strong>in</strong>guistic Analysis 37: 405-458. Watson et al. 2012. Use of second person pronouns and schizophrenia.BJP 200: 342-343.
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
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2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
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availability of the SR reading in (
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the