1The historical reality of biol<strong>in</strong>guistic diversityGiuseppe Longobardi , Crist<strong>in</strong>a Guardiano^,Luca Bortolussi°, Andrea Sgarro°, Giusepp<strong>in</strong>a Silvestri°*, Andrea Ceol<strong>in</strong>°Univ. York, ^Univ. Modena e Reggio Emilia, °Univ. Trieste, *Univ. PisaGoals. Argu<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> historical application of <strong>the</strong> biol<strong>in</strong>guistic model can complement molecularantrhopology to model out a ‘grammatical anthropology’ as a new discipl<strong>in</strong>e at <strong>the</strong> crossroads ofcognitive, biological and historical sciences. Background. In many respects, P&P models of UGare a conceptually plausible answer to <strong>the</strong> problem of explanatory adequacy (Chomsky 1964).However, empirically, parametric <strong>the</strong>ories are not yet sufficiently corroborated, s<strong>in</strong>ce nobody has sofar <strong>in</strong>disputably assessed <strong>the</strong>ir effectiveness to <strong>the</strong> acquisition of grammatical diversity byimplement<strong>in</strong>g a parameter sett<strong>in</strong>g system over a realistic collection of parameters (Fodor 2001,Yang 2003; cf. Chomsky 1995:7). It is <strong>the</strong>refore debatable that a P&P model has actually atta<strong>in</strong>edsubstantial explanatory adequacy, though progress<strong>in</strong>g beyond language-specific descriptiveadequacy. To address <strong>the</strong> need for more solid arguments <strong>in</strong> favor of P&P, Longobardi (2003)suggested <strong>the</strong> opportunity of: i) adopt<strong>in</strong>g a Modularized Global Parametrization strategy, aim<strong>in</strong>g atstudy<strong>in</strong>g toge<strong>the</strong>r relatively many (closely <strong>in</strong>teract<strong>in</strong>g) parameters <strong>in</strong> relatively many languageswith<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> circumscribed doma<strong>in</strong> of small modules of grammar; ii) beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g to aim at fur<strong>the</strong>rtest<strong>in</strong>g grounds and levels of success, i.e. at satisfactory accounts of <strong>the</strong> actual distribution ofgrammatical diversity <strong>in</strong> time and space (historical adequacy). Methods. Elaborat<strong>in</strong>g on previouswork (Longobardi/Guardiano 2009), a sample of more than 50 carefully identified b<strong>in</strong>aryparameters <strong>in</strong> DP-syntax, set <strong>in</strong> over 30 languages, is focused on; it is complemented with a set ofhypo<strong>the</strong>ses about UG constra<strong>in</strong>ts, def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g two levels of deductive structure: one determ<strong>in</strong>es <strong>the</strong>traditional covariation of properties follow<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> same parameter, <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r encodes anextraord<strong>in</strong>arily rich implicational hierarchy among parameters <strong>the</strong>mselves (more pervasive thanh<strong>in</strong>ted <strong>in</strong> Baker 2001), largely responsible for hierarchies of size (e.g. Biberauer/Roberts 2012).Phylogenetic programs of biostatistical derivation have been applied to this database to formallymeasure syntactic diversity and generate hypo<strong>the</strong>ses of phylogenetic trees and networks. Specificma<strong>the</strong>matical procedures (a sampl<strong>in</strong>g algorithm capable of deal<strong>in</strong>g with <strong>the</strong> universal constra<strong>in</strong>tsimposed on parameter sett<strong>in</strong>g) have been elaborated on purpose, to compute <strong>the</strong> width of potentialdiversity allowed by this fragment of UG and to evaluate <strong>the</strong> significance of <strong>the</strong> one observed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>actual language set. First results. The distribution of actual syntactic distances is statistically highlysignificant. The results have been measured aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>in</strong>dependently known historical data (fromcomparative l<strong>in</strong>guistics, history, genetics), with largely correct correlations: given a non-trivial set oflanguages, <strong>the</strong> description of <strong>the</strong>ir variation provided by <strong>the</strong> systematic parametric analysis of awhole compact doma<strong>in</strong> quite exactly recapitulates <strong>the</strong>ir known history and relationships. The realityof a P&P model of <strong>the</strong> language faculty, <strong>the</strong>refore, receives strong and orig<strong>in</strong>al support from itshistorical adequacy. Fur<strong>the</strong>r test<strong>in</strong>g. Recently, <strong>the</strong> use of structural traits (superficial grammaticalpatterns) has been advocated and tested for conclusions on language phylogenies, <strong>the</strong> status ofuniversals, and <strong>the</strong> model<strong>in</strong>g of grammatical evolution (Dunn et al. 2011). Now, s<strong>in</strong>ce parameterstry to represent ‘abstract’ differences, often exhibit<strong>in</strong>g a high degree of deductive depth with respectto surface contrasts, count<strong>in</strong>g similarities <strong>in</strong> patterns ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>in</strong> parameter values could turn out toprovide different outcomes when quantitatively assess<strong>in</strong>g areal or genealogical relatedness. In orderto test this idea, <strong>the</strong> same experiments above have been repeated us<strong>in</strong>g a choice of <strong>the</strong> surfacedescriptive patterns derived from <strong>the</strong> parameters, ra<strong>the</strong>r than <strong>the</strong> parameter values <strong>the</strong>mselves (i.e.compar<strong>in</strong>g E-languages ra<strong>the</strong>r than I-languages). Aga<strong>in</strong>, <strong>the</strong> results were plotted aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> same<strong>in</strong>dependently known historical variables. This experiment allows one to empirically test <strong>the</strong>parameter-pattern controversy and Dunn et al.’s alleged conclusion that implicational universals and
UG are not supported by <strong>the</strong> extant distribution of structural diversity <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> world’s languages. Thefirst computations suggest that pattern-based phylogenies are by no means more significant or morereveal<strong>in</strong>g than those founded on abstract parameters and that <strong>the</strong> latter better represent actualhistorical l<strong>in</strong>guistic relations. Fur<strong>the</strong>r corroborat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>se results, we argue that biol<strong>in</strong>guistic modelsof diversity encode a higher level of reality than surface-oriented typologies.ReferencesBaker, M.(2001) The Atoms of Language. New York, Basic Books. Biberauer T., I. Roberts (2012) Thesignificance of what hasn’t happened. DiGS 14, Lisbon. Chomsky, N. (1964) Current Issues <strong>in</strong> L<strong>in</strong>guistic Theory.In: Fodor, J. A., J. J. Katz (eds.), The Structure of Language: Read<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Philosophy of Language, EnglewoodCliffs, Prentice Hall: 50-118. Chomsky, N. (1995) The M<strong>in</strong>imalist Program. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press. Dunn,M., S. J. Greenhill, S. C. Lev<strong>in</strong>son, R. D. Gray (2011) Evolved structure of language shows l<strong>in</strong>eage-specifictrends <strong>in</strong> word-order universals, doi:10.1038/nature09923. Fodor, J. D. (2001) Sett<strong>in</strong>g syntactic parameters. In M.Balt<strong>in</strong>, Date: C. 21-0-2012 Coll<strong>in</strong>s (eds.) The Handbook of Contemporary Syntactic Theory, Oxford, Blackwell. Longobardi G.(2003) Experiment: Methods TableA56(-Far)-UP<strong>in</strong> Parametric <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> and Cognitive History. LVY, 3: 101-138. Longobardi G., C. Guardiano(2009) Method: Evidence Bootstrap for Syntax experiment as a Signal of Historical Relatedness. L<strong>in</strong>gua, 119, 11, 1679-1706. Yang, C. (2003)Knowledge and learn<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> natural language. Oxford, OUP.Algorithm: neighborFig. 1: UPGMA Tree from 56 syntactic parameters 1Date: 21-1-2012Experiment: ManifestationUPGMA(1)Method: Bootstrap experimentAlgorithm: neighborFig. 2: UPGMA Tree from 113 correspond<strong>in</strong>g surface patterns1 Legenda. Wo = Wolof; StB = Standard Basque; WB = Western Basque; Hu = Hungarian; F<strong>in</strong> = F<strong>in</strong>nish; Ar = Arabic;Heb = Hebrew; Hi = H<strong>in</strong>di; Ma = Marathi; Nor = Norwegian; Da = Danish; Ice = Icelandic; E = English; D = German; Wel= Welsh; Ir = Irish; Rus = Russian; Po = Polish; Slo = Slovenian; SC = Serbo-Croat; Blg = Bulgarian; Gri = Grico(Salent<strong>in</strong>o Greek); BoG = Bovese Greek (Calabria, Grecanico); Grk = Greek; It = Italian; Cal = Calabrese; Sal = Salent<strong>in</strong>o;Sic = Sicilian; Ptg = Portuguese; Sp = Spanish; Fr = French; Rm = Rumanian.2
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
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A neoparametric approach to variati
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Lexical items merged in functional
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Setting the elements of syntactic v
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Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
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Don’t scope your universal quanti
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Restricting language change through
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the