More specifically, this work reflects on how certa<strong>in</strong> properties of language emergegradually due to <strong>the</strong> need to meet communicative, post-externalization needs. It is argued thatthis observation po<strong>in</strong>ts to <strong>the</strong> surfacy, PF nature of parameters as emergent properties. Theunderly<strong>in</strong>g assumption here is that if language emergence is <strong>in</strong> its earliest stages, <strong>the</strong> time thathas elapsed is not enough for it to have already undergone significant environmentally drivenadaptations. The prediction that follows is that some I-properties would be still underdevelopment <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong>se recently emerged languages. ABSL is one such case: fieldwork on thislanguage suggests that manifestations of properties like grammaticalization and complexity,but also of design properties of language such as signifier/signified-consistency (else known as‘semanticity’ <strong>in</strong> Hockett 1960) are absent from <strong>the</strong> production of <strong>the</strong> first-generation signersand develop gradually. Their development is subject to environmental factors (e.g., time, <strong>in</strong>putfrom previous cohorts, etc.) and reflects environmental needs (e.g., size of <strong>the</strong> community,distribution of signers, degree of <strong>in</strong>teraction, etc.). If grammaticalization — which <strong>in</strong>volves <strong>the</strong>development of f<strong>in</strong>er grammatical markers — is shown to develop gradually and <strong>in</strong> response toenvironmental factors, <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong> markers <strong>the</strong>mselves — which are po<strong>in</strong>ts of variation acrossgrammars, traditionally referred to as ‘parameters’ — develop gradually and <strong>in</strong> response toenvironmental factors as well, and under <strong>the</strong>se assumptions, <strong>the</strong> l<strong>in</strong>k between po<strong>in</strong>ts ofvariation and <strong>the</strong> externalization process is hard to miss.To give a concrete example, with respect to grammaticalization and <strong>the</strong> emergent natureof parametric variation, accord<strong>in</strong>g to Meir et al. (2010), ABSL first-generation signers have <strong>the</strong>tendency to break an event that requires two arguments <strong>in</strong>to two clauses which come alongwith two verb signs that each predicates of a different argument. For example, a description ofgirl feed<strong>in</strong>g a woman would be realized with two SV clauses ra<strong>the</strong>r than a s<strong>in</strong>gle SOV. SOV is<strong>the</strong> word-order that is largely preferred among ABSL signers, unlike <strong>the</strong> closest languagesaround it, which are SVO (Sandler et al. 2005). It is worth stress<strong>in</strong>g that SOV is <strong>the</strong> prevalentorder from <strong>the</strong> second generation of signers onwards but variation still exists given that Sandleret al. (2005) report <strong>the</strong> existence of some (S)VO patterns. Moreover, verbs are predom<strong>in</strong>antlyf<strong>in</strong>al <strong>in</strong> this language, but if <strong>the</strong>re is a noun and modifier <strong>in</strong> a phrase, <strong>the</strong> order is nounmodifier.The fact that SOV patterns became robust <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> second generation of signersillustrates <strong>the</strong> existence of variation when certa<strong>in</strong> grammatical properties of <strong>the</strong> language arestill emerg<strong>in</strong>g. This variation is an <strong>in</strong>dication that word-order should <strong>in</strong>deed be better viewed asurfacy PF-decision that allows for vary<strong>in</strong>g realizations, ra<strong>the</strong>r than a fixed, deeply rooted NSor UG parameter. In this context, it seems <strong>the</strong>oretically plausible and motivated to describegrammatical markers called ‘parameters’ as realizational/PF variants ra<strong>the</strong>r than as <strong>the</strong>outcome of parametrized syntactic operations or as UG-specified pr<strong>in</strong>ciples with unfixedvalues.References: Berwick, R. C. & N. Chomsky. 2011. The Biol<strong>in</strong>guistic Program: The currentstate of its development. In A. M. Di Sciullo & C. Boeckx (eds.), The Biol<strong>in</strong>guistic Enterprise,19–41. OUP. Chomsky, N. 1986. Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Orig<strong>in</strong> and Use.Praeger. Hockett, C. F. 1960. The orig<strong>in</strong> of speech. Scientific American 203, 88–96. Lassiter,D. 2008. Semantic externalism, language variation, and sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic accommodation. M<strong>in</strong>dand Language 23, 607–633. Lewont<strong>in</strong>, R. 2000. The Triple Helix: Gene, Organism, andEnvironment. Harvard University Press. Meir, I., W. Sandler, C. Padden & M. Aronoff.2010. Emerg<strong>in</strong>g sign languages. In M. Marschark & P. E. Spencer (eds.), The OxfordHandbook of Deaf Studies, Language, and Education, vol. 2, 267–280. OUP. Mondal, P.2011. Can <strong>in</strong>ternalism and externalism be reconciled <strong>in</strong> a biological epistemology of language?Biosemiotics, DOI 10.1007/s12304-011-9120-6. Roberts, I. 2011. Parameters as emergentproperties. Paper presented at Université Paris Diderot. Sandler, W., I. Meir, C. A. Padden &M. Aronoff. 2005. The emergence of grammar: Systematic structure <strong>in</strong> a new language. PNAS102, 2661–2665.2
(Biol<strong>in</strong>guistic) Primitives Lost <strong>in</strong> TranslationEvel<strong>in</strong>a Leivada 1 & Pedro Tiago Mart<strong>in</strong>s 1,21 Universitat de Barcelona, 2 Center of <strong>L<strong>in</strong>guistics</strong> of <strong>the</strong> University of PortoApproach<strong>in</strong>g language from a biol<strong>in</strong>guistic perspective entails adopt<strong>in</strong>g a view of Language thatis tenable from a biological, neuro-cognitive po<strong>in</strong>t of view. Mak<strong>in</strong>g progress <strong>in</strong> biol<strong>in</strong>guisticscorresponds to mak<strong>in</strong>g progress <strong>in</strong> terms of view<strong>in</strong>g language as a biological organ, whichimplies <strong>in</strong>terdiscipl<strong>in</strong>arity and emphasis on <strong>the</strong> way l<strong>in</strong>guistics communicates with <strong>in</strong>terfac<strong>in</strong>gfields. Similarly, a shift of focus from language-specific, feature-based, supposedly U(niversal)G(rammar)-represented particularities to pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of general cognitive architecture is highlylikely to be progress with respect to what Poeppel & Embick (2005) def<strong>in</strong>e as <strong>the</strong> “GranularityMismatch Problem” (GMP).The goal of <strong>the</strong> present work is two-fold: First, it revisits l<strong>in</strong>guistic primitives of <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>dthat Poeppel & Embick (2005) list. We propose that <strong>the</strong>se l<strong>in</strong>guistic primitives should not betaken as biol<strong>in</strong>guistic primitives, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>y are not necessarily <strong>in</strong>formative once <strong>the</strong> focus is onLanguage as a biological organ and not on specific languages. We concede that some of <strong>the</strong>seprimitives are helpful <strong>in</strong> describ<strong>in</strong>g some language-specific particularities, and <strong>the</strong>refore mightbe empirically useful when discuss<strong>in</strong>g certa<strong>in</strong> phonological or morphosyntactic phenomena.However, <strong>the</strong>y are less <strong>in</strong>formative with respect to <strong>the</strong> biological character of language or whenlanguage is viewed <strong>in</strong> relation to o<strong>the</strong>r modules of human cognition (Boeckx 2011). The highlylanguage-specific character of <strong>the</strong>se primitives is what leads to problems like GMP. In thiscontext, <strong>the</strong> second part of <strong>the</strong> present discussion relates to <strong>the</strong> fact that one of <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>desiderata of <strong>the</strong> re-emerg<strong>in</strong>g biol<strong>in</strong>guistic enterprise is to f<strong>in</strong>d its own primitives. This can beachieved through select<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> two <strong>in</strong>terfac<strong>in</strong>g fields that comprise it those units that are<strong>in</strong>formative <strong>in</strong> terms of its biological makeup.GMP boils down to <strong>the</strong> fact that l<strong>in</strong>guistic and neuro-cognitive research are operat<strong>in</strong>g onunits of different granularity. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Poeppel & Embick’s (2005) formulation of GMP,“l<strong>in</strong>guistic computation <strong>in</strong>volves a number of f<strong>in</strong>e-gra<strong>in</strong>ed dist<strong>in</strong>ctions and explicitcomputational operations. Neuroscientific approaches to language operate <strong>in</strong> terms of broaderconceptual dist<strong>in</strong>ctions”. This applies ma<strong>in</strong>ly to what l<strong>in</strong>guistics “canonically” takes asprimitives: features, syllables, morphemes, etc. Most of <strong>the</strong>se, however, seem to be strictlyl<strong>in</strong>guistic concepts and even with<strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistics <strong>the</strong>ir status has not been immune to po<strong>in</strong>ts ofcriticism. For example, features are <strong>the</strong> k<strong>in</strong>d of primitives that l<strong>in</strong>guists usually resort to <strong>in</strong> orderto expla<strong>in</strong> a grammatical phenomenon but, <strong>in</strong> and of <strong>the</strong>mselves, <strong>the</strong>y offer no explanatoryadequacy, <strong>in</strong> that <strong>the</strong>y do not derive or construct <strong>the</strong> phenomena <strong>in</strong> question; <strong>the</strong>y only reduce<strong>the</strong>m to someth<strong>in</strong>g allegedly pre-exist<strong>in</strong>g. In this sense, features cannot be of any <strong>in</strong>terest from abiol<strong>in</strong>guistic po<strong>in</strong>t of view. From a l<strong>in</strong>guistic po<strong>in</strong>t of view, <strong>the</strong> richness of features has longbeen assumed to give rise to dist<strong>in</strong>ct functional heads as argued by cartographers (Shlonsky2010). In o<strong>the</strong>r words, l<strong>in</strong>guistics posits two <strong>in</strong>ventories (i.e. features <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> lexicon andfunctional projections <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> syntactic representation) that feed one ano<strong>the</strong>r, to <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t ofgiv<strong>in</strong>g rise to a highly stipulative, open-ended array of l<strong>in</strong>guistic primitives.Analogously, if we look at phonology, <strong>the</strong> field which spawned dist<strong>in</strong>ctive features(Trubetzkoy 1939), one can argue for <strong>the</strong>ir irrelevance to <strong>the</strong> computations at <strong>the</strong> core of whatbiol<strong>in</strong>guistics considers phonology to be. Phonological features are based on phonetic factors(articulatory and perceptual), which forces <strong>the</strong> assumption that <strong>the</strong>se factors are somehowencoded <strong>in</strong> language. This assumption loses its robustness once different modalities are taken<strong>in</strong>to account, as <strong>the</strong>y lack <strong>the</strong> characteristics on which features are based. If we take sign, forexample, it is hard to determ<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> role of a feature like [+coronal]. Faced with such a problem,we are left with two mutually-exclusive options: i) posit a unique set of features for each1
- Page 1 and 2:
GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
- Page 3 and 4:
INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
- Page 5:
Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
- Page 8 and 9:
REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
- Page 10 and 11:
STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
- Page 12 and 13:
15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
- Page 14 and 15:
14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
- Page 16 and 17:
17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
- Page 18 and 19:
16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
- Page 20 and 21:
GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
- Page 22 and 23:
The impossible chaos: When the mind
- Page 24 and 25:
17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
- Page 26 and 27:
Second, tests replicated from Bruen
- Page 28 and 29:
clusters is reported to be preferre
- Page 30 and 31:
occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
- Page 32 and 33:
argument that raises to pre-verbal
- Page 34 and 35:
Timothy Bazalgette University of
- Page 36 and 37:
. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
- Page 38 and 39:
Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
- Page 40 and 41:
SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
- Page 42 and 43:
ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
- Page 44 and 45:
The absence of coreferential subjec
- Page 46 and 47:
PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
- Page 48 and 49:
A multi-step algorithm for serial o
- Page 50 and 51:
Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
- Page 52 and 53:
On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
- Page 54 and 55:
Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
- Page 56 and 57:
Colorful spleeny ideas speak furiou
- Page 58 and 59:
A neoparametric approach to variati
- Page 60 and 61:
Lexical items merged in functional
- Page 62 and 63:
Setting the elements of syntactic v
- Page 64 and 65: Language Faculty, Complexity Reduct
- Page 66 and 67: Don’t scope your universal quanti
- Page 68 and 69: Restricting language change through
- Page 70 and 71: 4. Conclusion This micro-comparativ
- Page 72 and 73: 2. Central Algonquian feature hiera
- Page 74 and 75: availability of the SR reading in (
- Page 76 and 77: Repairing Final-Over-Final Constrai
- Page 78 and 79: a PF interface phenomenon as propos
- Page 80 and 81: (b) Once the learner has determined
- Page 82 and 83: cognitive recursion (including Merg
- Page 84 and 85: can be null, or lexically realized,
- Page 86 and 87: feature on C and applies after Agre
- Page 88 and 89: Nobu Goto (Mie University)Deletion
- Page 90 and 91: Structural Asymmetries - The View f
- Page 92 and 93: FROM INFANT POINTING TO THE PHASE:
- Page 94 and 95: Some Maladaptive Traits of Natural
- Page 96 and 97: Constraints on Concept FormationDan
- Page 98 and 99: More on strategies of relativizatio
- Page 100 and 101: ReferencesBayer, J. 1984. COMP in B
- Page 102 and 103: Improper movement and improper agre
- Page 104 and 105: Importantly, while there are plausi
- Page 106 and 107: This hypothesis makes two predictio
- Page 108 and 109: (3) a. Það finnst alltaf þremur
- Page 110 and 111: (2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*
- Page 112 and 113: However when the VP (or IP) is elid
- Page 116 and 117: modality, or ii) see phonology as m
- Page 118 and 119: (I) FWHA The wh-word shenme ‘what
- Page 120 and 121: 1The historical reality of biolingu
- Page 122 and 123: Rita Manzini, FirenzeVariation and
- Page 124 and 125: Non-counterfactual past subjunctive
- Page 126 and 127: THE GRAMMAR OF THE ESSENTIAL INDEXI
- Page 128 and 129: Motivating head movement: The case
- Page 130 and 131: Limits on Noun-suppletionBeata Mosk
- Page 132 and 133: Unbounded Successive-Cyclic Rightwa
- Page 134 and 135: Same, different, other, and the his
- Page 136 and 137: Selectivity in L3 transfer: effects
- Page 138 and 139: Anaphoric dependencies in real time
- Page 140 and 141: Constraining Local Dislocation dial
- Page 142 and 143: A Dual-Source Analysis of GappingDa
- Page 144 and 145: [9] S. Repp. ¬ (A& B). Gapping, ne
- Page 146 and 147: of Paths into P path and P place is
- Page 148 and 149: Deriving the Functional HierarchyGi
- Page 150 and 151: Reflexivity without reflexivesEric
- Page 152 and 153: Reuland, E. (2001). Primitives of b
- Page 154 and 155: on v, one associated with uϕ and t
- Page 156 and 157: Merge when applied to the SM interf
- Page 158 and 159: 1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
- Page 160 and 161: Covert without overt: QR for moveme
- Page 162 and 163: Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
- Page 164 and 165:
one where goals receive a theta-rel
- Page 166 and 167:
51525354555657585960616263646566676
- Page 168 and 169:
follow Harris in assuming a ranked
- Page 170 and 171:
changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
- Page 172 and 173:
Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
- Page 174 and 175:
Fleshing out this model further, I
- Page 176 and 177:
(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
- Page 178 and 179:
properties with Appl (introduces an
- Page 180 and 181:
econstruct to position A then we ca
- Page 182 and 183:
(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
- Page 184 and 185:
sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
- Page 186 and 187:
Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
- Page 188 and 189:
Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
- Page 190 and 191:
out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
- Page 192 and 193:
Word order and definiteness in the
- Page 194 and 195:
Visser’s Generalization and the c
- Page 196 and 197:
the key factors. The combination of
- Page 198 and 199:
Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
- Page 200 and 201:
Stages of grammaticalization of the