09.07.2015 Views

Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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(2) Watashi-wa hudan hougaku -wa /*ga kikimasuI -TOP usual Japanese music-TOP/*NOMga yougaku -wa/*ga kiki -masenbut western music-TOP/*NOM listen –NEG‘I usually listen to Japanese music but I do not listen to Western music.’(3) Kouta -wa [ Mai *(ga) tsukut –ta] keiki tabe -taKouta –TOP Mai-NOM make –PAST cake eat -PAST‘Kouta ate <strong>the</strong> cake [which Mai made].’30 adult Japanese HSs and 36 Korean HSs, from various countries of residence, took <strong>the</strong>experiment; based on <strong>the</strong>ir ability to read <strong>the</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al scripts and on <strong>the</strong>ir biographical data,<strong>the</strong>y qualify as higher-proficiency speakers. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>re is a l<strong>in</strong>ger<strong>in</strong>g question whe<strong>the</strong>rheritage grammars are similar to advanced L2 ones, we also <strong>in</strong>cluded L2 learners of Japanese(N=36) and Korean (N=13), <strong>in</strong> addition to monol<strong>in</strong>gual controls (Japanese N=13, KoreanN=14).Although <strong>the</strong>y outperform L2s on identify<strong>in</strong>g correct and <strong>in</strong>correct use of TOP/NOM,HSs <strong>in</strong> both languages have greater difficulty with TOP <strong>in</strong> matrix clauses. This preference forNOM <strong>in</strong>stead of TOP can be expla<strong>in</strong>ed by appeal<strong>in</strong>g to economy considerations: <strong>the</strong>projection of a NOM DP requires less structure than <strong>the</strong> projection of TopP. However, HSs donot have problems with contrastive topics <strong>in</strong> embedd<strong>in</strong>gs, which argues aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong>generalized deficit at <strong>the</strong> syntax-discourse <strong>in</strong>terface.HSs <strong>in</strong> both languages also have significantly more difficulty with null mark<strong>in</strong>g thanwith <strong>the</strong> overtly expressed markers. This corroborates previous observations on <strong>the</strong> generaldifficulty of null elements for HSs. We propose that <strong>the</strong> absence of overt mark<strong>in</strong>g leads toexcessive ambiguity for HSs, which takes <strong>the</strong>m above <strong>the</strong> threshold of efficient process<strong>in</strong>g.

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