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Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

Practical Information - Generative Linguistics in the Old World

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(3) a. Það f<strong>in</strong>nst alltaf þremur börnum tölvurnar ljótar.EXPL f<strong>in</strong>d.sg. ALWAYS three children.Dat.pl. computer.D.Nom.pl uglyb. Það f<strong>in</strong>nast (*alltaf) þremur börnum tölvurnar ljótar.EXPL f<strong>in</strong>d.pl. ALWAYS three children.Dat.pl. computer.D.Nom.pl ugly‘Three children always f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> computers ugly.’We argue that Kučerová’s generalization extends to o<strong>the</strong>r cases as well, i.e., LDA takes place onlyif DAT undergoes <strong>in</strong>dependently motivated movement to <strong>the</strong> edge of vP. There are three cases toconsider: OS (above), Quantifier movement, and wh-movement. [The data were collected fromIcelanders <strong>in</strong> late 20s and early 30s, orig<strong>in</strong>ally from Reykjavík. Only data from speakers whoshared <strong>the</strong> judgements reported <strong>in</strong> Holmberg and Hróarsdóttir (2003) and Kučerová (2007) wereconsidered. S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> data are highly sensitive to semantic dist<strong>in</strong>ctions, <strong>the</strong>y were presented <strong>in</strong> acontext us<strong>in</strong>g truth-value judgement tasks (Skopeteas et al., 2006; Mat<strong>the</strong>wson, 2004).]Quantifier Movement: QM targets <strong>the</strong> edge of <strong>the</strong> vP phase, even if <strong>the</strong>re is no head-movement(Jónsson, 1996; Svenonius, 2000). If DAT undergoes QM it should no longer act as an <strong>in</strong>tervenerfor v, hence, we predict that <strong>the</strong> NOM agreement should be obligatory. This prediction is borneout, as witnessed by (4). The pattern holds even for DAT arguments that cannot undergo OS.(4) Það *hefur/hafa næstum öllum/fáum köttum fundist fiskarnir góðir.EXPL *has/have almost all/few cats found fish-<strong>the</strong>.pl good‘Almost all cats/Few cats have found <strong>the</strong> fish tasty.’Wh-movement: S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> lower vP <strong>in</strong> this type of bi-clausal structure does not have an externalargument, vP does not constitute a Spell-out doma<strong>in</strong>, unless Spec,vP needs to be projected forano<strong>the</strong>r reason (Richards, 2003; Kučerová, 2012). It follows that vP is a strong phase if DAT movesto Spec,vP, but not o<strong>the</strong>rwise. We argue that only d-l<strong>in</strong>ked wh-words must move through spec,vPs<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>y undergo OS. Consequently, vP becomes a Spell-out doma<strong>in</strong> with v obligatorily agree<strong>in</strong>gwith NOM. In contrast, if wh-word is not d-l<strong>in</strong>ked, it does not undergo OS and consequently, vPis not a strong phase: S<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> wh moves only later when <strong>the</strong> appropriate probe is merged <strong>in</strong><strong>the</strong> structure, DAT is still with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> prob<strong>in</strong>g doma<strong>in</strong> of v at <strong>the</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t when Agree takes place.Consequently, LDA is blocked. These predictions are borne out: if <strong>the</strong> DAT wh-word is d-l<strong>in</strong>ked,LDA is obligatory, (5-a). In contrast, if <strong>the</strong> DAT wh-word is non-d-l<strong>in</strong>ked, LDA is blocked, (5-b).(5) a. Hvaða köttum *virðist/virðast mýsnar góðar?which cat.Dat seems.sg/seem.pl <strong>the</strong>-mice.Nom tasty‘To which cat do <strong>the</strong> mice seem to be tasty?’b. Hverjum mundi/*mundu hafa virst hestarnir vera se<strong>in</strong>ir?whom.Dat would.sg/*would.pl have seemed horses to-be slow‘To whom would have seemed <strong>the</strong> horses to be slow?’Interest<strong>in</strong>gly, wh-words like hverjum are semantically ambiguous: with <strong>the</strong> appropriate scenario(which becomes semantically plausible if <strong>the</strong> NOM argument is def<strong>in</strong>ite), speakers understand itei<strong>the</strong>r as d-l<strong>in</strong>ked or as non-d-l<strong>in</strong>ked. Crucially, <strong>the</strong> d-l<strong>in</strong>ked <strong>in</strong>terpretation is accompanied byagreement, while <strong>the</strong> non-d-l<strong>in</strong>ked <strong>in</strong>terpretation yields default agreement on <strong>the</strong> verb, (6).(6) Hverjum virðist/virðast mýsnar góðar?whom.Dat seems.sg/seem.pl <strong>the</strong>-mice.Nom tasty‘To whom do <strong>the</strong> mice seem to be tasty?’virðist (seems.sg) ! non-d-l<strong>in</strong>kedvirðast (seem.pl) ! d-l<strong>in</strong>ked2

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