This hypo<strong>the</strong>sis makes two predictions: (i) <strong>in</strong> Dutch, (3) should yield a better performancethan <strong>in</strong> English, because <strong>the</strong> distributive read<strong>in</strong>g and <strong>the</strong> unambiguous reflexive zichzelf leadchildren to reject <strong>the</strong> sentence-picture pair; (ii) <strong>in</strong> English, [<strong>the</strong> horse says [<strong>the</strong> rabbit Vreflexive]] should yield better results than (3), because <strong>the</strong> embedded subject is not a QPtrigger<strong>in</strong>g a collective read<strong>in</strong>g and can thus be <strong>the</strong> antecedent for <strong>the</strong> reflexive. This is exactlywhat <strong>the</strong> data show (van Koert, Koeneman, Weerman & Hulk, submitted). So, <strong>the</strong> languagespecificproperties of <strong>the</strong> languages <strong>in</strong>volved cause differences <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> acquisition of <strong>the</strong>b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciples, even where two closely related languages, such as Dutch and English, areconcerned.ReferencesChien, Y.-C. and K. Wexler. (1990). Children’s knowledge of locality conditions <strong>in</strong> b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gas evidence for <strong>the</strong> modularity of syntax and pragmatics. Language Acquisition, 1,225-295.Drozd, K.F. and E. van Loosbroek (2006). The effect of context on children’s <strong>in</strong>terpretationsof universally quantified sentences. In V. van Geenhoven (Ed.), Semantics meetsAcquisition. Dordrecht: Kluwer.van Koert, M.J.H., O.N.C.J. Koeneman, F.P. Weerman, A.C.J. Hulk. (submitted). TheQuantificational Asymmetry: a comparative look. L<strong>in</strong>gua.van der Lely, H. K. J. (1997). Advanced-syntactic test of pronom<strong>in</strong>al reference (A-STOP).dldcn.com.Mar<strong>in</strong>is, T. and V. Chondrogianni. (2011). Comprehension of reflexives and pronouns <strong>in</strong>sequential bil<strong>in</strong>gual children: Do <strong>the</strong>y pattern similarly to L1 children, L2 adults, orchildren with specific language impairment? Journal of Neurol<strong>in</strong>guistics, 24(2), 202-212.Novogrodsky, R., T. Roeper., and K. Yamakoshi, (2012). The Collective-Distributive read<strong>in</strong>gof each and every <strong>in</strong> language acquisition. In S. Stavrakaki, X. Konstant<strong>in</strong>opoulou andM. Lalioti, (Eds.), Advances <strong>in</strong> Language acquisition. Cambridge Scholars Publish<strong>in</strong>g.Philip, W.C.H. (2005). Pragmatic control of specificity and scope: Evidence from Dutch L1A.In E. Maier, C. Bary and J. Huit<strong>in</strong>k (eds.), Proceed<strong>in</strong>gs of SUB9. Nijmegen: NCS,271-285.2
Long-Distance Agreement <strong>in</strong> Icelandic revisited: An <strong>in</strong>terplay of locality and semanticsIvona Kučerová (McMaster University)We argue that <strong>in</strong>stances of long-distance agreement (LDA) with Nom<strong>in</strong>ative objects (NOM) <strong>in</strong> Icelandicare fully reducible to a strictly local operation of Agree with v act<strong>in</strong>g as a s<strong>in</strong>gle probe. Thistype of analysis has been refuted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past because of non-trivial <strong>in</strong>teractions with Dative <strong>in</strong>terveners(DAT) that seem to <strong>in</strong>volve <strong>in</strong>tricate comb<strong>in</strong>ations of -features (Holmberg and Hróarsdóttir,2003; Sigurðsson and Holmberg, 2008). We argue that <strong>the</strong> -feature-based characterization of <strong>the</strong>pattern is accidental and does not extend beyond a limited set of data. Instead, we propose that vsuccessfully probes NOM only if <strong>the</strong>re is no DAT <strong>in</strong>tervener with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> prob<strong>in</strong>g doma<strong>in</strong> of v. Sucha configuration arises ei<strong>the</strong>r if <strong>the</strong>re is no DAT to start with, or if DAT underwent an <strong>in</strong>dependentlymotivated movement to Spec,vP. The empirical support for <strong>the</strong> analysis comes from data <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>gObject Shift and Quantifier movement, and from d-l<strong>in</strong>ked vs. non-d-l<strong>in</strong>ked wh-movement.Puzzle: While agreement with NOM is obligatory <strong>in</strong> a mono-clausal environment and no <strong>in</strong>terventioneffects are attested, (1-a), agreement <strong>in</strong> a bi-clausal environment is optional, (1-b), and can beblocked by an <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g DAT, (1-c), (Watanabe, 1993; Schütze, 1997):(1) a. það *var/voru konugi gefnar ambáttir í vettur.EXPL was.sg/were.pl k<strong>in</strong>g.Dat given slaves.Nom <strong>in</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter‘A k<strong>in</strong>g was given female slaves <strong>in</strong> w<strong>in</strong>ter.’b. E<strong>in</strong>hverjum stúdent f<strong>in</strong>nst/f<strong>in</strong>nast tölvurnar ljótar.some student.Dat f<strong>in</strong>ds.sg/f<strong>in</strong>d.pl <strong>the</strong>-computers.Nom ugly.Nom‘Some student f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>the</strong> computers ugly.’c. Það virðist/*virðast e<strong>in</strong>hverjum manni hestarnir vera se<strong>in</strong>ir.EXPL seems.sg/seem.pl some man.Dat <strong>the</strong>-horses.Nom be slow.Nom‘A man f<strong>in</strong>ds <strong>the</strong> horses slow.’Holmberg and Hróarsdóttir (2003) observed, however, that some DATs are transparent to agreement,(2). They proposed that DAT <strong>in</strong>tervenes only if <strong>the</strong> -features of <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>tervener and <strong>the</strong> goaldon’t match (3PL+3PL <strong>in</strong> (2) but 3PL+3SG <strong>in</strong> (1-c)).(2) a. Það f<strong>in</strong>nst mörgum stúdentum tölvurnar ljótar.EXPL f<strong>in</strong>ds.sg many students.Dat <strong>the</strong>-computers.Nom ugly.NOmb. Það f<strong>in</strong>nast mörgum stúdentum tölvurnar ljótar.EXPL f<strong>in</strong>d.pl many students.Dat <strong>the</strong>-computers.Nom ugly.Nom‘Many students f<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong> computers ugly.’LDA can <strong>the</strong>n be formalized as parasitic on DAT (cf. Hiraiwa 2005). Such an analysis assumes nontrivialdifferences between local agreement and LDA which may yield parallel prob<strong>in</strong>g of featuresorig<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g on a s<strong>in</strong>gle head (Sigurðsson and Holmberg, 2008). Even though parallel prob<strong>in</strong>g andfeature valuation have been proposed for Reverse Agree (Adger, 2003; Baker, 2008; Haegemanand Lohndal, 2010; Wurmbrand, 2012, among o<strong>the</strong>rs), parallel valuation <strong>in</strong> Reverse Agree differ<strong>in</strong> its directionality. To our knowledge, <strong>the</strong> pattern proposed for Icelandic LDA is unprecedented.Proposal: As observed <strong>in</strong> Kučerová (2007), <strong>the</strong> -feature generalization does not extend to o<strong>the</strong>rDPs with <strong>the</strong> same -feature properties. She proposed that LDA obta<strong>in</strong>s only if DAT can <strong>in</strong>dependentlyundergo Object Shift (Holmberg, 1986) (OS) to Spec,vP. If OS takes place, v is free to probeNOM. S<strong>in</strong>ce adverbs don’t block OS (Holmberg, 1999), <strong>the</strong> correlation can be shown on <strong>the</strong> wordorder with respect to adverbs: if DAT precedes a VP adverb, i.e., it underwent OS, <strong>the</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ite verbmust agree with NOM . In contrast, if DAT follows such an adverb, agreement with NOM blocked.This pattern is entirely unexpected under Holmberg and Hróarsdóttir’s analysis.1
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GLOW Newsletter #70, Spring 2013Edi
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INTRODUCTIONWelcome to the 70 th GL
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Welcome to GLOW 36, Lund!The 36th G
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REIMBURSEMENT AND WAIVERSThe regist
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STATISTICS BY COUNTRYCountry Author
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15:45-16:00 Coffee break16:00-17:00
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14:00-15:00 Adam Albright (MIT) and
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17:00-17:30 Anna Maria Di Sciullo (
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16.10-16.50 Peter Svenonius (Univer
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GLOW 36 WORKSHOP PROGRAM IV:Acquisi
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The impossible chaos: When the mind
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17. Friederici, A. D., Trends Cogn.
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Second, tests replicated from Bruen
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clusters is reported to be preferre
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occur (cf. figure 1). Similar perfo
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argument that raises to pre-verbal
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Timothy Bazalgette University of
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. I hurt not this knee now (Emma 2;
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Rajesh Bhatt & Stefan Keine(Univers
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SIZE MATTERS: ON DIACHRONIC STABILI
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ON THE ‘MAFIOSO EFFECT’ IN GRAM
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The absence of coreferential subjec
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PROSPECTS FOR A COMPARATIVE BIOLING
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A multi-step algorithm for serial o
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Velar/coronal asymmetry in phonemic
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On the bilingual acquisition of Ita
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Hierarchy and Recursion in the Brai
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Merge when applied to the SM interf
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1 SachsThe Semantics of Hindi Multi
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Covert without overt: QR for moveme
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Morpho-syntactic transfer in L3 acq
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one where goals receive a theta-rel
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51525354555657585960616263646566676
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follow Harris in assuming a ranked
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changing instances of nodes 7 and 8
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Sam Steddy, steddy@mit.eduMore irre
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Fleshing out this model further, I
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(5) Raman i [ CP taan {i,∗j}Raman
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properties with Appl (introduces an
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econstruct to position A then we ca
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(5) Kutik=i ez guret-a.dog=OBL.M 1S
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sults summarized in (2) suggest tha
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Building on Bhatt’s (2005) analys
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Underlying (derived from ON) /pp, t
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out, as shown in (3) (that the DP i
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Word order and definiteness in the
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Visser’s Generalization and the c
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the key factors. The combination of
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Parasitic Gaps Licensed by Elided S
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Stages of grammaticalization of the