Comintern: Revolutionary Internationalism in Lenin's Time
Comintern: Revolutionary Internationalism in Lenin's Time
Comintern: Revolutionary Internationalism in Lenin's Time
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active <strong>in</strong> all broad organizations of work<strong>in</strong>g people, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the<br />
rural villages.<br />
The party must be governed by “democratic centralism,” exemplified<br />
by the Bolshevik Party of the time, which assured full <strong>in</strong>ternal<br />
democracy <strong>in</strong> reach<strong>in</strong>g decisions, but demanded unity <strong>in</strong> apply<strong>in</strong>g<br />
them.<br />
The Bolsheviks <strong>in</strong>sisted that the revolutionary movement must be<br />
cleansed of the pro-capitalist current that had led the Socialist International<br />
to disaster <strong>in</strong> 1914. In l<strong>in</strong>e with this th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g, the congress<br />
took special measures to fend off opportunist leaders seek<strong>in</strong>g to f<strong>in</strong>d<br />
a niche <strong>in</strong> the new International.<br />
Delegates adopted 21 conditions for admission to the International.<br />
These theses restated pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of revolutionary function<strong>in</strong>g that<br />
had proven crucial <strong>in</strong> post-1914 experience, such as:<br />
• Control by the party <strong>in</strong> each country over its publications and its<br />
parliamentary representatives.<br />
• Commitment to revolutionary work among peasants and <strong>in</strong> the<br />
army.<br />
• Active support for liberation movements <strong>in</strong> the colonies.<br />
• Read<strong>in</strong>ess to resist repression through underground activity.<br />
The theses also <strong>in</strong>sisted on a clear organizational break with forces<br />
“who reject on pr<strong>in</strong>ciple the [21] conditions.”<br />
<strong>Revolutionary</strong> socialists held that the flout<strong>in</strong>g of International<br />
congress decisions by national leaderships had been a key factor<br />
<strong>in</strong> the Socialist International’s collapse <strong>in</strong> 1914. The 1920 congress<br />
agreed that the new International must be centralized, and that the<br />
International’s decisions must be b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g on its member parties.<br />
But the congress also resolved not to <strong>in</strong>fr<strong>in</strong>ge member parties’<br />
autonomy <strong>in</strong> the day-to-day struggle. Given “the diverse conditions<br />
under which each party has to struggle and work,” the congress<br />
stated, “universally b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g decisions” would be adopted “only on<br />
questions <strong>in</strong> which such decisions are possible.”<br />
International centralism was expressed through <strong>Com<strong>in</strong>tern</strong> decisions<br />
on world issues of broad pr<strong>in</strong>ciple and strategy, backed up<br />
with prudent advice to and loyal collaboration with elected national<br />
leaderships.<br />
The <strong>Com<strong>in</strong>tern</strong> was not free from harmful <strong>in</strong>terference <strong>in</strong> national<br />
party affairs by some of its <strong>in</strong>ternational representatives. But Len<strong>in</strong><br />
and Trotsky, its most authoritative leaders, held to a policy of patient<br />
and non-<strong>in</strong>trusive education. Their approach won ground dur-