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Chapter 1 | The impact of the crisis on the health system and health in Belgium 9 number of physicians with real clinical activities. Taking into account only those physicians who performed at least one clinical service (consultation, visit), then the number of physicians per 1000 population falls below the European average. However, there seems to be shortages of different types of professional in the sector, as demonstrated by the number of vacancies for health care-related jobs, excluding physicians, in Flanders (VDAB Studiedienst, 2013). Occupations with shortages in the health care sector are nursing (except for midwifery), hospital pharmacy, physiotherapy (increasing demand linked to the ageing of the population) and general caregivers. Despite these shortages, currently there are practically no waiting times for providing health care services. 3. Health system responses to the crisis 3.1 Changes to public funding for the health system Health budget The setting of health budgets has been subject to legally entrenched growth caps since 1995. Even though these caps were habitually exceeded prior to 2005, they were set at a generous 4.5% from 2005 to 2012. Moreover, given that actual health expenditure has tended to be less than estimated, budget surpluses have accrued over a long period, even during the years after the crisis hit (except for 2012), thus cushioning the impact of tighter fiscal measures during these years. Since the introduction of the real growth cap in 1995, there has been an annual budget for the compulsory health insurance system. Total federal spending on health care for a given year is equal to the budget for the previous year plus a percentage increase in real terms (the growth cap) and inflation in terms of the health index (consumer price index) but with goods and services detrimental to health excluded. The important point to note about the health budget growth cap is that, although its main purpose is to limit the annual growth of funds allocated to health to a given ceiling, it legally guarantees the set funding level for the health sector for that year. Moreover, historically, the cap allows for some flexibility in total spending since some exceptional or specific expenses are excluded from the ceiling. These are heterogeneous spending items, such as innovative drugs and services, vaccination and part of salary increases of health care personnel (e.g. subsidies to the supplementary pensions of physicians and dentists). Before 2005, the growth cap was mostly not respected, with substantial budgetary overruns (Table 1.2), in particular for pharmaceuticals and to a lesser extent for ambulatory care (OECD, 2005). 4 Over the period 2005–2011, 4 Although quarterly budget controls were in place, adjustment mechanisms or penalties were exceptional (Belgian Court of Audit, 2011). Therefore, the growth cap was more a target than a real cap.

10 Economic crisis, health systems and health in Europe: country experience the budget was allowed to grow by 4.5% per year in real terms. Importantly, during the same period, actual spending grew more slowly and the gap between the federal health budget and actual spending widened. Even in recent years when a reduced growth cap has been imposed, actual spending has continued to be less than the set budget. Although the growth cap is the most important instrument in determining the growth rate of the budget for the compulsory health insurance system, the annual growth rate was in most years far above 4.5% (Table 1.2). 5 With a growth cap of 2.5% in the period 1999–2004, extensive use was made of the possibility to deviate from the cap for exceptional or specific expenses. After 2005, this budget escape route was hardly used because of the rapid increase in the budget ceiling to a more generous 4.5% (OECD, 2005). In more recent years (until 2012), the difference between the growth cap of 4.5% and the budget increase mainly reflects the way inflation is captured. To determine the health budget for the next year, the expected increase in the health index (corrected consumer price index) is applied to the total health budget, although in practice indexation does not apply to all parts of the health budget since different indexation rules exist depending on the spending item. Moreover, since the health index of a given year is applied to the health budget of the previous year plus the growth cap of 4.5%, there is a cumulative effect of both measures. Over the period 2005–2011, the accumulated difference between the indexation budget based on the health index and the budget based on applying the different indexation rules amounted to €1265 million (Belgian Court of Audit, 2011). Instead of reducing the real growth rate, the government decided to transfer the budget surplus (the difference between the spending ceiling and actual spending) to be used in the future or to other subsectors of social security (Table 1.3). Normally, the health care budget included a mixture of new initiatives and savings, with new initiatives having to be balanced by savings in other sectors. For example, increased reimbursement of spectacles or hearing aids could be financed by (increased) turnover taxes on pharmaceuticals. The year 2012, however, was a special year. When new initiatives and savings for the 2012 budget had to be submitted, there was no government in situ. 6 Moreover, in early 2012, the newly formed federal government had to impose a package of austerity measures worth €11.3 billion on its public expenditure, of which €2.3 billion was in the health sector. Structural savings accounted for about €553 million. The largest part of savings in the health sector was realized by not applying the growth cap. For the first time since the introduction of the growth cap, the budget was aligned to the amount of estimated expenses and 5 The increase of 9.25% in 2008 can be partly explained by the integration of the small health risks of the self-employed into the compulsory health insurance system. 6 Between the elections of June 2010 and December 2011 (541 days), Belgium had a federal caretaker government meaning that, in line with Belgian political tradition, no new legal measures could be taken.

10 Economic <strong>crisis</strong>, <strong>health</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>health</strong> in Europe: country experience<br />

the budget was allowed to grow by 4.5% per year in real terms. Importantly,<br />

during the same period, actual spending grew more slowly <strong>and</strong> the gap between<br />

the federal <strong>health</strong> budget <strong>and</strong> actual spending widened. Even in recent years<br />

when a reduced growth cap has been imposed, actual spending has continued to<br />

be less than the set budget.<br />

Although the growth cap is the most important instrument in determining the<br />

growth rate of the budget for the compulsory <strong>health</strong> insurance system, the annual<br />

growth rate was in most years far above 4.5% (Table 1.2). 5 With a growth cap<br />

of 2.5% in the period 1999–2004, extensive use was made of the possibility to<br />

deviate from the cap for exceptional or specific expenses. After 2005, this budget<br />

escape route was hardly used because of the rapid increase in the budget ceiling<br />

to a more generous 4.5% (OECD, 2005). In more recent years (until 2012),<br />

the difference between the growth cap of 4.5% <strong>and</strong> the budget increase mainly<br />

reflects the way inflation is captured. To determine the <strong>health</strong> budget for the<br />

next year, the expected increase in the <strong>health</strong> index (corrected consumer price<br />

index) is applied to the total <strong>health</strong> budget, although in practice indexation does<br />

not apply to all parts of the <strong>health</strong> budget since different indexation rules exist<br />

depending on the spending item. Moreover, since the <strong>health</strong> index of a given year<br />

is applied to the <strong>health</strong> budget of the previous year plus the growth cap of 4.5%,<br />

there is a cumulative effect of both measures. Over the period 2005–2011, the<br />

accumulated difference between the indexation budget based on the <strong>health</strong> index<br />

<strong>and</strong> the budget based on applying the different indexation rules amounted to<br />

€1265 million (Belgian Court of Audit, 2011).<br />

Instead of reducing the real growth rate, the government decided to transfer<br />

the budget surplus (the difference between the spending ceiling <strong>and</strong> actual<br />

spending) to be used in the future or to other subsectors of social security<br />

(Table 1.3). Normally, the <strong>health</strong> care budget included a mixture of new<br />

initiatives <strong>and</strong> savings, with new initiatives having to be balanced by savings in<br />

other sectors. For example, increased reimbursement of spectacles or hearing<br />

aids could be financed by (increased) turnover taxes on pharmaceuticals. The<br />

year 2012, however, was a special year. When new initiatives <strong>and</strong> savings for the<br />

2012 budget had to be submitted, there was no government in situ. 6 Moreover,<br />

in early 2012, the newly formed federal government had to impose a package<br />

of austerity measures worth €11.3 billion on its public expenditure, of which<br />

€2.3 billion was in the <strong>health</strong> sector. Structural savings accounted for about<br />

€553 million. The largest part of savings in the <strong>health</strong> sector was realized by<br />

not applying the growth cap. For the first time since the introduction of the<br />

growth cap, the budget was aligned to the amount of estimated expenses <strong>and</strong><br />

5 The increase of 9.25% in 2008 can be partly explained by the integration of the small <strong>health</strong> risks of the self-employed<br />

into the compulsory <strong>health</strong> insurance system.<br />

6 Between the elections of June 2010 <strong>and</strong> December 2011 (541 days), Belgium had a federal caretaker government<br />

meaning that, in line with Belgian political tradition, no new legal measures could be taken.

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