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Chapter 8 | The impact of the crisis on the health system and health in the Netherlands 269 The tariffs are set by the Health Care Authority (Dutch Association for Health Psychology, 2014). Specialist mental health care, which can be both inpatient and outpatient, is paid according to a DBC system. Since 2014, patients no longer have to pay any additional cost-sharing charges. Other efficiency-improving initiatives, such as connecting information and communication technology systems between hospitals and GPs, have been continued and were not triggered by the crisis. Merger of hospitals, which had been taking place since around the 1960s (Schäfer et al, 2010), was another development that contributed to improving efficiency in the sector. 13 Changes in the delivery of care that have taken place since 2008 contributed to hospital mergers: insurers and professional associations have increasingly set rules for the minimum number of treatments performed by health care personnel that are necessary to ensure sufficient quality in performing these treatments. Complex care is increasingly organized centrally in a few specialist centres. Elimination of fraud Since 2010, more attention has been paid to fighting fraud in the health care sector. The need to contain costs because of the economic crisis probably increased awareness of the existence of fraud in the sector, and increased attention to fraud is relatively new in this sector. While previously the integrity of health professionals had not been questioned (patients asked for permission by the health insurer before seeking care and this was sometimes checked by a physician employed by the health insurer), currently remuneration claims are subject to much more scrutiny. The implementation of the new case-based payment systems may have increased fraud in the sector as upcoding leads to higher payments. However, it is not always clear how the procedures should be coded: the regulation of casebased payment is in itself a source of much confusion. According to estimates, the monetary value of fraud in health care (i.e. care that was never provided and fraudulent reimbursement claims submitted by health care providers to health insurers) is between €1 billion and €3 billion (Blokker & Rosenberg, 2013). Exact figures are not available and, therefore, on the request of the Ministry of Health, the Health Care Authority is currently (commencing 2014) conducting research into the magnitude of the problem. With the exception of initiatives to optimize logistics in the area of pharmaceuticals (taking into account their expiry date) and medical equipment, measures to limit fraud, inefficiencies and waste of resources quickly became 13 Motives for mergers included, among others, providers' strategic motives: a larger hospital has more possibilities to invest in buildings or new medical technologies, and a merger might enable synergies by eliminating duplicate services; larger hospitals also have more countervailing power against health insurers. Moreover, government policy promoted mergers: the budgets of new large hospitals were higher than the sum of budgets of the smaller hospitals before the mergers. Finally, the introduction of market mechanisms and the preceding discussions formed an argument for hospitals to merge in the 1990s. The trend towards consolidation resulted in a reduction in the number of hospitals from 172 in 1982 to 94 in 2005 (Schäfer et al., 2010).

270 Economic crisis, health systems and health in Europe: country experience the subject of public debate. For example, measures aimed at further limiting personal budgets in long-term care, introduced in 2012 as a cost-containment measure but also partly because of fraud, were heavily criticized as fraud in these cases was debatable and the measures had the potential to harm older people and people with disabilities who were highly dependent on the personal budgets. 4. Implications for health system performance 4.1 Equity in access and financing Currently, no specific information is available on equity in the use of health care services. Consumption levels of health care decreased for the first time in decades in 2012, but it is difficult to estimate to what extent this was the result of the economic crisis. Socioeconomic inequalities in access to health care have always been relatively low in the Netherlands, according to several international comparative studies (Westert, 2010) and so far there is not much evidence that this has changed. Financing Interestingly, despite the measures to shift costs from the public purse to citizens, the share of OOP expenditure in health care financing has not increased (Table 8.6 and Fig. 8.3). The combined burden of the premiums for both acute care (Health Insurance Act) and long-term care (Exceptional Medical Expenses Act) also remained rather stable: 68.3% of total health expenditure in 2008 and 68.6% in 2011 (Fig. 8.3). However, it should be noted that the effect of the substantial increase in the compulsory deductible from €210 in 2012 to €350 in 2013 is not yet included in these data. Moreover, the net contribution of the government to health care financing (i.e. from taxation, which is a progressive source of financing) grew substantially from 11.6% of total health care expenditure in 2006 to 14.2% in 2008 and 14.4% in 2011 (Statistics Netherlands, 2013b). 4.2 Access to services Few studies are available on the potential effects of the crisis on the financial accessibility of health care. A few recent facts and figures have been documented, but it is difficult to say whether they have been the effect of the crisis or not. There has been an increase in the number of defaulters and uninsured: the proportion of defaulters (i.e. people who have not paid their premiums for at least six months) has increased from 1.5% in 2006 to 2.4% in 2009. In 2010, a new, stricter definition of defaulter was introduced. According to the new

Chapter 8 | The impact of the <strong>crisis</strong> on the <strong>health</strong> system <strong>and</strong> <strong>health</strong> in the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s<br />

269<br />

The tariffs are set by the Health Care Authority (Dutch Association for Health<br />

Psychology, 2014). Specialist mental <strong>health</strong> care, which can be both inpatient<br />

<strong>and</strong> outpatient, is paid according to a DBC system. Since 2014, patients no<br />

longer have to pay any additional cost-sharing charges.<br />

Other efficiency-improving initiatives, such as connecting information <strong>and</strong><br />

communication technology <strong>systems</strong> between hospitals <strong>and</strong> GPs, have been<br />

continued <strong>and</strong> were not triggered by the <strong>crisis</strong>. Merger of hospitals, which had<br />

been taking place since around the 1960s (Schäfer et al, 2010), was another<br />

development that contributed to improving efficiency in the sector. 13 Changes<br />

in the delivery of care that have taken place since 2008 contributed to hospital<br />

mergers: insurers <strong>and</strong> professional associations have increasingly set rules for the<br />

minimum number of treatments performed by <strong>health</strong> care personnel that are<br />

necessary to ensure sufficient quality in performing these treatments. Complex<br />

care is increasingly organized centrally in a few specialist centres.<br />

Elimination of fraud<br />

Since 2010, more attention has been paid to fighting fraud in the <strong>health</strong> care<br />

sector. The need to contain costs because of the <strong>economic</strong> <strong>crisis</strong> probably increased<br />

awareness of the existence of fraud in the sector, <strong>and</strong> increased attention to fraud is<br />

relatively new in this sector. While previously the integrity of <strong>health</strong> professionals<br />

had not been questioned (patients asked for permission by the <strong>health</strong> insurer<br />

before seeking care <strong>and</strong> this was sometimes checked by a physician employed<br />

by the <strong>health</strong> insurer), currently remuneration claims are subject to much more<br />

scrutiny. The implementation of the new case-based payment <strong>systems</strong> may have<br />

increased fraud in the sector as upcoding leads to higher payments. However, it<br />

is not always clear how the procedures should be coded: the regulation of casebased<br />

payment is in itself a source of much confusion. According to estimates,<br />

the monetary value of fraud in <strong>health</strong> care (i.e. care that was never provided <strong>and</strong><br />

fraudulent reimbursement claims submitted by <strong>health</strong> care providers to <strong>health</strong><br />

insurers) is between €1 billion <strong>and</strong> €3 billion (Blokker & Rosenberg, 2013).<br />

Exact figures are not available <strong>and</strong>, therefore, on the request of the Ministry of<br />

Health, the Health Care Authority is currently (commencing 2014) conducting<br />

research into the magnitude of the problem.<br />

With the exception of initiatives to optimize logistics in the area of<br />

pharmaceuticals (taking into account their expiry date) <strong>and</strong> medical equipment,<br />

measures to limit fraud, inefficiencies <strong>and</strong> waste of resources quickly became<br />

13 Motives for mergers included, among others, providers' strategic motives: a larger hospital has more possibilities to<br />

invest in buildings or new medical technologies, <strong>and</strong> a merger might enable synergies by eliminating duplicate services;<br />

larger hospitals also have more countervailing power against <strong>health</strong> insurers. Moreover, government policy promoted<br />

mergers: the budgets of new large hospitals were higher than the sum of budgets of the smaller hospitals before the<br />

mergers. Finally, the introduction of market mechanisms <strong>and</strong> the preceding discussions formed an argument for<br />

hospitals to merge in the 1990s. The trend towards consolidation resulted in a reduction in the number of hospitals<br />

from 172 in 1982 to 94 in 2005 (Schäfer et al., 2010).

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