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164 Economic <strong>crisis</strong>, <strong>health</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>health</strong> in Europe: country experience<br />

the boom years meant that there was room for efficiency gains in the recession.<br />

Essentially, built-in inefficiency provided a cushion for the hard fall of significant<br />

budget cuts in <strong>health</strong>. The system is now certainly more efficient than at the<br />

beginning of the <strong>crisis</strong> <strong>and</strong> is generally doing more with less (Thomson, Jowett<br />

& Mladovsky, 2012). The recession, at least in the first few years, proved to be a<br />

useful mechanism to reduce input costs (which were very high by international<br />

st<strong>and</strong>ards) <strong>and</strong> to increase productivity by treating patients more cost-effectively<br />

(e.g. increased day care in hospitals).<br />

However, with further reductions in public <strong>health</strong> expenditure required over<br />

the period 2013–2015, there are doubts over the capacity of the system to<br />

absorb further cuts without damaging patient access <strong>and</strong> care (Thomson, Jowett<br />

& Mladovsky, 2012). In addition, it is now clear that the cuts proposed in<br />

each budget have proved increasingly hard to realize because of continued cost<br />

pressures (e.g. in terms of expenditure on agency staff) <strong>and</strong> failure to implement<br />

some key cost-reduction initiatives in the face of stakeholder pressure. Some<br />

input prices still remain high by international st<strong>and</strong>ards (Thomson, Jowett<br />

& Mladovsky, 2012; Brick, Gorecki & Nolan, 2013). It is also important<br />

to remember that such cuts are occurring in the context of a system that is<br />

experiencing significantly increased dem<strong>and</strong>s in the form of population ageing,<br />

increased fertility <strong>and</strong> rising rates of chronic disease.<br />

5.2 Content <strong>and</strong> process of change<br />

Despite the significant cuts in public <strong>health</strong> expenditure that have occurred, a<br />

crucial safety net for vulnerable groups has been maintained via the medical card<br />

scheme. However, there have been recent changes to both the breadth <strong>and</strong> depth<br />

of cover in the medical card scheme, <strong>and</strong> for those not covered by a medical card,<br />

the scope <strong>and</strong> depth of public cover has been continually eroded (see Table 5.5).<br />

The latter has occurred despite a recent report that found that Irel<strong>and</strong> is unusual<br />

internationally in terms of the high level of user fees that are charged for public<br />

<strong>health</strong> services (see Table 4.6 in Thomson, Jowett & Mladovsky, 2012).<br />

In addition, in the context of a system that requires the majority of the<br />

population to pay the full, unregulated, OOP cost for primary care services,<br />

continued price inflation in doctors' <strong>and</strong> dentists' fees is a concern. Health<br />

care affordability is likely to become an even greater issue in future, as average<br />

annual disposable incomes continue to fall.<br />

However, for the first time in the history of the Irish State, the principle of<br />

“a universal, single-tier <strong>health</strong> service, which guarantees access to medical<br />

care based on need, not income” (Government of Irel<strong>and</strong>, 2011a) is a core<br />

component of official <strong>health</strong> policy. The Programme for Government notes that<br />

everyone in Irel<strong>and</strong> will be able to obtain statutory benefits from an “insurer” of

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