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110 Economic <strong>crisis</strong>, <strong>health</strong> <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>health</strong> in Europe: country experience<br />

capacity <strong>and</strong> adequate mechanisms to undertake needs assessment (Economou,<br />

2010). Historically, hospitals operated by the national <strong>health</strong> service (NHS,<br />

known as ESY in Greek) had not enforced transparent <strong>and</strong> accurate tracking of<br />

their expenditures <strong>and</strong> the state had to step in regularly to cover accumulated<br />

deficits. In addition, an oversupply of specialist physicians coexisted with an<br />

undersupply of GPs <strong>and</strong> nurses. The lack of a functioning referral system<br />

between primary <strong>and</strong> higher level care, <strong>and</strong> problematic pricing <strong>and</strong> providerreimbursement<br />

mechanisms, resulted in poor coordination of care, large OOP<br />

payments <strong>and</strong> a sizable black economy, impeding the system's ability to deliver<br />

equitable financing <strong>and</strong> access to services (Liaropoulos et al., 2008). At the<br />

same time, the age structure of the country has been changing. The percentage<br />

of the population over 65 rose from 16.6% in 2000 to 18.8% at the end of the<br />

decade (Table 4.1). The implications of this population ageing, together with<br />

the low birth rates, will need to be factored in when considering the country's<br />

economy <strong>and</strong> <strong>health</strong> care system.<br />

By the time that the <strong>crisis</strong> hit, <strong>and</strong> despite the warning signs, both the Greek<br />

economy <strong>and</strong> the Greek <strong>health</strong> care system had amassed a number of structural<br />

problems. Past reform attempts in areas such as primary care, the organization<br />

<strong>and</strong> provision of <strong>health</strong> services by hospitals <strong>and</strong> the enhanced cooperation<br />

of social insurance funds failed to deliver the expected results or were not<br />

fully implemented (Davaki & Mossialos, 2005; Mossialos & Allin, 2005).<br />

Consequently, the need for reforms in the <strong>health</strong> care system is clear <strong>and</strong> has<br />

dominated the agenda of policy responses instigated by the <strong>crisis</strong>, particularly<br />

the attempt at large-scale cost-containment.<br />

3. Health system responses to the <strong>crisis</strong><br />

The <strong>health</strong> policy responses to the <strong>crisis</strong> <strong>and</strong> their effects should be seen from<br />

two perspectives. The first perspective relates to implementing much-needed<br />

operational <strong>and</strong> structural reforms, designed to address the weaknesses in the<br />

<strong>health</strong> care system as discussed in the previous section. The second perspective,<br />

which is particularly important when considering the effects of changes,<br />

relates to the measures stipulated in the MoUs, which, by <strong>and</strong> large, are fiscal<br />

consolidation measures.<br />

3.1 Changes to public funding for the <strong>health</strong> system<br />

Data reveal that public <strong>health</strong> expenditure, as a share of general government<br />

expenditure, reached its high point of 13.2% in 2006 (Health expenditure<br />

series; OECD, 2013; WHO Regional Office for Europe, 2014). However, after<br />

the introduction of extensive austerity measures, Greece had one of the lowest<br />

ratios in the EU by 2012, not exceeding 11.5% compared with the EU mean<br />

of 15%. Bailout conditions requiring a reduction in overall <strong>health</strong> expenditure

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