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Final_Judgment

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476 ”Deep Throat” [379]<br />

Agnew admitted that he had often received campaign contributions<br />

from corporations that did business with the state—a common practice in<br />

Maryland and elsewhere—but insisted that he never accepted any money<br />

for personal use. However, the federal prosecutors were eager to build a<br />

case against Agnew in order to force him out of the vice presidency." 980<br />

AGNEW AND ISRAEL<br />

M. Hirsh Goldberg, wrote in the Times of Israel about Agnew's career.<br />

In an article entitled "Jews at the Opening . . . Jews at the Close" Goldberg<br />

said: "It was a political life curiously intertwined with Jews. The swift rise<br />

like a Fourth of July rocket, the sudden fall from political grace—both<br />

involved Jews. It was an ironic, almost unnoticed aspect of a political career<br />

so much addressed to Middle America . . . and yet so heavily dependent on<br />

Jewish brains, Jewish talent, Jewish money and—at the end—so heavily<br />

damaged by the testimony of Jews." 981<br />

Ultimately, facing a possible jail sentence if he went to trial and was<br />

convicted, Agnew resigned the vice presidency and pleaded no contest to<br />

bribery and tax evasion charges stemming from his purported acceptance of<br />

the bribes (which Agnew continued to deny until the day he died). Neither<br />

of Agnew's accusers ever spent time in jail.<br />

The Republican attorney general who promoted the campaign by U.S.<br />

Attorney Sachs against Agnew was Elliot Richardson, who ultimately<br />

resigned from the Nixon administration "in disgust" and was heralded as a<br />

"hero of Watergate." In his memoirs Agnew (not insignificantly) points out<br />

that Richardson wanted someone in the line of presidential succession who<br />

"would defend Israel, whatever the risk to the United States." 982<br />

Agnew was already suspected of "anti-Semitism" because of his attacks<br />

on the media and, as Agnew noted, two years after leaving office he came<br />

under heavy fire "for saying that our attitude toward Israel was affected by<br />

the preponderance of Israel's sympathizers in the big news media." 983<br />

After leaving office, Agnew wrote The Canfield Decision, a controversial,<br />

though little-read novel about high-level political intrigue which some critics<br />

called "anti-Semitic," bringing the former vice president back into the headlines<br />

once again. Agnew's novel was described by one pro-Israel columnist as<br />

suggesting that "Jews in the media make up a 'Zionist lobby' leading us to<br />

disaster in the Mideast." 984<br />

Later, privately, in an April 20, 1988 letter to his friend, former Rep. Paul<br />

Findley (R-Ill.), himself a sharp critic of the Israeli lobby, Agnew commented<br />

that "I trace the advent of my difficulties to a confrontation with this same<br />

lobby." 985 But Agnew will be remembered as a "crook" who served as Vice<br />

President. Not as the victim of Israeli intrigue, as he most certainly was, the<br />

naysayers notwithstanding.

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