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[362] <strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong> 459<br />

Inman described how in 1981 when the Israelis had bombed Iraq's<br />

nuclear reactor, he (Inman) discovered that the Israelis had been able to carry<br />

out their act precisely because they had gained access to high-level Pentagon<br />

satellite reconnaissance files. At that juncture, Inman, then serving as acting CIA<br />

director during CIA director William Casey's absence from the country, gave<br />

orders limiting Israeli access to such strategic national intelligence. In response,<br />

according to Inman, "The [Israeli] defense minister, General Sharon, was<br />

so furious he came to the U.S. to protest to [Secretary of Defense]<br />

Weinberger." 931 But Weinberger—himself a critic of Israel—stood behind<br />

Inman.<br />

Then, after CIA Director Casey returned to the United States, William<br />

Safire—a longtime friend and a former campaign manager for Casey when<br />

Casey made an unsuccessful bid for Congress—complained to Casey who<br />

countermanded Inman's decision. According to Inman, "from that point on,<br />

if you will trace the [media] coverage [of Inman], it's been hostile." 932<br />

THE CASEY CONNECTION(S)<br />

An interesting note regarding William Casey: as CIA director, Casey<br />

was a valued ally of Israel in Washington and it was under Casey's<br />

stewardship that the CIA became entangled in the infamous Iran-Contra<br />

affair in which Israel was a primary player.<br />

Casey's own ties are somewhat suggestive of a long-standing<br />

connection to not only Israeli intelligence but to other elements that have<br />

popped up in the course of inquiries into the JFK assassination conspiracy.<br />

According to organized crime writer Dan Moldea, Casey was the founder,<br />

general counsel and member of the board of directors of Multiponics, an<br />

agribusiness firm that owned some 44,000 acres of farmland in several<br />

southern states including Louisiana. 933 One of Casey's partners in the<br />

venture was one Carl Biehl whom Moldea describes as "an associate of<br />

underworld figures in the Carlos Marcello crime family in New Orleans." 934<br />

(In Chapter 10, of course, we examined the Marcello-Lansky syndicate<br />

connection in some detail.)<br />

What is particularly interesting, though, is that when the Multiponics<br />

venture between Casey and the Marcello associate filed for bankruptcy in<br />

1971, it owed some $20.6 million to various creditors including none other<br />

than Bernard Cornfeld of Investors Overseas Services,<br />

935 whom we<br />

discovered in Chapter 7 was functioning as a front man for Tibor<br />

Rosenbaum's international money laundering ventures for the Mossad. (And<br />

we have to wonder, obviously, if Casey's IOS deal wasn't, in fact, some<br />

sort of covert venture—even the means for a pay-off from the Mossad<br />

disguised as a loan gone bad. It's speculation, but food for thought.)<br />

Later, after Casey became CIA director, he appointed as his deputy<br />

director of operations in charge of covert action and overseas clandestine<br />

intelligence gathering (the old post held by James Angleton) an equally<br />

interesting figure: one Max Hugel, an official with the Centronics Data<br />

Computer Corporation.

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