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440 Agents of Influence [343]<br />

1948. As we noted, the Institute not only had wide-ranging intelligence<br />

connections—but also intimate ties to the Lansky Syndicate.<br />

Therefore it will come as no surprise to the reader to learn that one of<br />

Fisher's contacts in both petroleum and weapons smuggling to the Jewish<br />

Haganah through Sonneborn was rising Lansky Syndicate figure Morris<br />

Dalitz, then of Detroit's Purple Gang, and one of the leading Mid-West<br />

dealers in military surplus. 873 Dalitz himself would later emerge as a prime<br />

investor in the Permindex operation and would become one of the highestranking<br />

figures in the crime syndicate.<br />

(In Chapter 10 we first met Dalitz and examined the strange connection<br />

between Dalitz and House Assassinations Committee director Robert<br />

Blakey. In Chapter 14 we explored further the manner in which Blakey,<br />

while proclaiming that "the Mafia Killed JFK," pointed the finger at Italian-<br />

American mob figures and away from the direction of the Jewish elements<br />

in the Lansky syndicate.)<br />

That Fisher and Dalitz should be working together at this time is<br />

interesting, inasmuch as during the early 1930's—nearly 20 years<br />

previously—Fisher had been a "runner" for Dalitz's Purple Gang in Detroit,<br />

carrying cash receipts to Bronfman family bootleggers in Canada in advance<br />

payment for forthcoming shipments of illicit goods. 874 Thus, the Fisher-<br />

Dalitz relationship had come full circle. The two successful businessmen<br />

who rose to affluence in the seamy world of the Lansky Crime Syndicate<br />

were now engaged in covert (and undoubtedly profitable) activities to<br />

advance the cause of Israel.<br />

Fisher's activities in the public arena on behalf of Israel brought him to<br />

public respectability. Until then he was simply known as a successful but<br />

still relatively small-time oilman. However, in 1957 when he was brought<br />

into Israel's Paz conglomerate as a partner with Tibor Rosenbaum and Shaul<br />

Eisenberg, Fisher's fortunes and political influence grew immensely.<br />

By 1964—at which time Congressman Gerald Ford of Michigan was<br />

serving on the Warren Commission—Max Fisher was the undisputed<br />

financial angel for Ford and the Republican Party of Michigan.<br />

Fisher's fortunes continued to advance, however, as did his influence<br />

within the Republican Party nationwide and in international Jewish affairs.<br />

In 1975 the well-connected Mr. Fisher took over the chairmanship of United<br />

Brands, formerly United Fruit. 875 (The role of United Fruit in the 1954<br />

coup in Guatemala—working in conjunction with the CIA—is discussed,<br />

among other places, by David Wise and Thomas B. Ross in their book, The<br />

Invisible Government—an early expose of the CIA—which refers to that<br />

misadventure in Central America as "the CIA's banana revolt." 876<br />

So it is to this day that Tibor Rosenbaum and Gerald Ford's mutual<br />

friend, Max Fisher, is one of the most powerful men in America—perhaps<br />

the world. But Ford and Rosenbaum themselves shared another interesting<br />

mutual friend. And, as we shall see, this mutual friend—like Max Fisher—<br />

played a pivotal role in advancing Gerald Ford's political career at a critical<br />

juncture in time.

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