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The Myth of Dallas: New Revelations<br />

As the second printing of the sixth edition of <strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong> was being readied<br />

for press, a detailed 19-page anonymously written document, cited with 115<br />

footnotes, relying on a wide variety of mainstream sources, arrived in the mailbox of<br />

<strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong> author Michael Collins Piper. The document was in an envelope<br />

(with no return address) postmarked "Dallas, Texas." Entitled "The Kennedy<br />

Assassination and Israel: Some Dallas Connections," the document—apparently the<br />

work of a professional journalist—focused on "the specifics of how the Israelis could<br />

have influenced the events in Dallas," filling in details never explored in previous<br />

editions of <strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong>. The data is quite explosive, particularly when<br />

contrasted with the mythology regarding "Big D" repeated ad infinitum in JFK<br />

literature. However, understanding the real Dallas—not the city of legend and of<br />

Hollywood drama—prepares one for the revelations laid forth in <strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong>.<br />

The document buries the tired old myth that a clique of anti-Semitic White<br />

Anglo-Saxon Protestant oil plutocrats ruled Dallas. Instead, the truth is quite the opposite.<br />

Not only did Dallas have an immensely powerful Jewish community, but, more<br />

importantly, the city (and Texas) had been a major center of fundraising and arms<br />

smuggling on behalf of the Zionist cause, going back to the 1940s. Even Jonathan<br />

Pollard, the American spy for Israel, said he was inspired to pro-Israel activism by<br />

stories he heard (while living in Texas) of gunrunning for the Israeli underground by Jews<br />

in Texas. In fact, the official published history of a major Zionist arms smuggling<br />

operation, the Sonneborn Institute, reports its agents smuggled aircraft parts out of<br />

Texas to Israel. This was happening when a then recently discharged Army Air Corps<br />

aircraft mechanic, Jack Ruby, was re-settling in Dallas in 1947, the year prior to Israel's<br />

birth, when Sonneborn's activities were at a zenith. Ruby bragged of having run arms to<br />

Israel and, in 1963, is now known to have part of an arms smuggling operation overseen by<br />

an Israeli intelligence officer. So the Israeli connection to Texas was a lot more intimate<br />

than many today ever realized.<br />

In 1963, JFK's primary interest in Dallas was raising money from the Dallas<br />

elite, and that meant the wealthy pro-Israel Jewish Democrats who were major financial<br />

angels for the ruling Democratic Party there. And since JFK was, at that time, at<br />

loggerheads with Israel over its nuclear arms program, it is critical to recognize how JFK<br />

was lured to Dallas and who was in charge of the arrangements that actually facilitated<br />

his assassination. And while it is well known that the Dallas leg of JFK's Texas trip<br />

was sponsored by the Citizens Council (CC), the elite business group that ruled<br />

Dallas, the little-noticed evidence shows that two of the three key figures who dominated<br />

the CC were Jewish—not "WASPs," as the legend of Dallas would have it. These were<br />

the folks who really ran Dallas, not the conservatives affiliated with the John Birch<br />

Society, as the old myth suggests. In 1963, one of those Jewish power brokers was an<br />

outspokenly pro-Israel liquor wholesaler, Julius Schepps, who held the distribution rights<br />

in Dallas for the Bronfman family's Seagram's products. And as we shall see, there<br />

is evidence that Jack Ruby was on the payroll of the Bronfman family, whose<br />

fingerprints are to be found all over the JFK assassination conspiracy.<br />

The means by which the Dallas elite gained control of JFK's Dallas trip agenda is<br />

interesting. Since JFK's Dallas trip was officially designated as "non political"—in contrast<br />

to other Texas stops such as Houston and Austin which were designated as "political"—<br />

the private entities paying for the Dallas trip gained control of the planning (taking<br />

it out of the hands of the JFK-controlled Democratic National Committee). The<br />

CC designated a "host committee." The chairman was Dallas Jewish leader and public<br />

relations man, Sam Bloom, the CC's longtime executive director, and—in<br />

retrospect—one of the least known but most pivotal figures in world history.

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