south-asian-militant-groups-and-global-jihad-in-2015
south-asian-militant-groups-and-global-jihad-in-2015 south-asian-militant-groups-and-global-jihad-in-2015
QUILL IAM countering the group’s appeal will be more difficult, unless incomes and employment opportunities are improved throughout. To understand this financial incentive, the mean monthly incomes (real GDP per capita/12; USD) for India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Jammu and Kashmir are provided below: Country/ State* Monthly income (real GDP per capita/12), USD 2013 (1 dp) 92 India 124.9 Afghanistan 55.4 Pakistan 106.3 Jammu and Kashmir* 43.1 †93 †A different dataset for 2011 was used for these figures The disparity between mean monthly incomes and the $400 salary that is offered by IS is significant. Even well-off and well educated youth can be attracted to jihadist causes due to a sense of injustice and frustrated expectations. This attraction is emphasized if these individuals feel that their education will not bring them opportunities. LeJ (a potential IS ally) is known for having a significant number of university graduates among its fighters. 94 We suggest that education, training, and job search assistance should be extended to tackle economic and labour inactivity in South Asia. As part of its state-building project, IS in the Middle East includes all of the services one might expect from a local government: distribution of water, collection of charity, and the provision of health care services. If the relevant South Asian administrations do not improve service infrastructure, then this element of the IS campaign may appeal to economically disenfranchised individuals, and help to explain the attraction of joining the fight in Iraq and Syria: “extremist violence is more likely to arise wherever governments are unable to provide for their citizens.” 95 However, in certain countries such as Pakistan, there is a negative correlation between poverty and the support of terrorism. 96 This is because the elites find that some of their interests align with those of the terrorist organisations (for example, the annexation of Jammu and Kashmir), and – unlike the poor - they are not as exposed to the violent implications of their decisions. In order to ameliorate this occurrence, ‘track II diplomacy’ – i.e. Diplomacy that is either overseen, facilitated, or carried out by ‘non-state actors’ - should be encouraged. Studies on track II diplomacy 97 have illustrated that dialogue of this kind usually 36
NEW AG EN T S OF GLOB AL JIHAD encourages groups of influential elites to think in cooperative ways, and it could encourage them to consider the implications of their decision to support certain terrorist organizations on poorer Pakistani communities. As such, track II diplomacy would help to close the gap of individuals in Pakistan that are affected by terrorism. Such discussions could focus on the religious inconsistencies that are advocated in terrorist rhetoric, and the role of terrorists in the killings of civilians. We suggest that counter-extremist narratives should be presented in local languages such as Urdu, and that the true cost of terrorism are highlighted by informing sympathisers of all economic classes that these groups do not provide social benefits, (or exaggerate their provision), or the possibility of increased positive representation. Groups that claim responsibility for terrorist actions selectively invoke religious rhetoric to justify politically motivated violence, but they do not generally represent Muslim populations. Governments should focus on propagating counter narratives from within the Islamic framework in order to delegitimize their Islamist cause. Government funding should focus on undertaking public health research initiatives in order to investigate and understand the causes and the consequences of violence. The WHO Violence Prevention Alliance (VPA) has recently provided a public health framework 98 that examines the public health impact of terrorist acts arising from violent radicalization, including direct consequences such as deaths, physical injuries and psychological or mental trauma. 99 These public health frameworks should be implemented in South Asia, and their findings on the implications of radicalization and terrorism should be publicized. Current public health frameworks focus on individual, relationship, community, and society-centered approaches in order to prevent violence. We strongly urge governments to employ social development, therapeutic, and treatment programs to focus on people at risk of harming themselves and others, and use a group format to address issues such as anger management and drug abuse. WHO VPA programs focus on training in relationship skills, family therapy, parenting, home visitation and mentoring. Similar approaches are used by the Centre for Disease Control (CDC) in the United States. These have positive, long-term effects in reducing 37
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QUILL IAM<br />
counter<strong>in</strong>g the group’s appeal will be more difficult, unless<br />
<strong>in</strong>comes <strong>and</strong> employment opportunities are improved throughout.<br />
To underst<strong>and</strong> this f<strong>in</strong>ancial <strong>in</strong>centive, the mean monthly <strong>in</strong>comes<br />
(real GDP per capita/12; USD) for India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, <strong>and</strong><br />
Jammu <strong>and</strong> Kashmir are provided below:<br />
Country/ State* Monthly <strong>in</strong>come (real GDP per capita/12), USD<br />
2013 (1 dp) 92<br />
India 124.9<br />
Afghanistan 55.4<br />
Pakistan 106.3<br />
Jammu <strong>and</strong> Kashmir* 43.1 †93<br />
†A different dataset for 2011 was used for these figures<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
The disparity between mean monthly <strong>in</strong>comes <strong>and</strong> the $400 salary<br />
that is offered by IS is significant.<br />
Even well-off <strong>and</strong> well educated youth can be attracted to <strong>jihad</strong>ist<br />
causes due to a sense of <strong>in</strong>justice <strong>and</strong> frustrated expectations. This<br />
attraction is emphasized if these <strong>in</strong>dividuals feel that their<br />
education will not br<strong>in</strong>g them opportunities. LeJ (a potential IS<br />
ally) is known for hav<strong>in</strong>g a significant number of university<br />
graduates among its fighters. 94 We suggest that education, tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g,<br />
<strong>and</strong> job search assistance should be extended to tackle economic<br />
<strong>and</strong> labour <strong>in</strong>activity <strong>in</strong> South Asia.<br />
As part of its state-build<strong>in</strong>g project, IS <strong>in</strong> the Middle East <strong>in</strong>cludes<br />
all of the services one might expect from a local government:<br />
distribution of water, collection of charity, <strong>and</strong> the provision of<br />
health care services. If the relevant South Asian adm<strong>in</strong>istrations do<br />
not improve service <strong>in</strong>frastructure, then this element of the IS<br />
campaign may appeal to economically disenfranchised <strong>in</strong>dividuals,<br />
<strong>and</strong> help to expla<strong>in</strong> the attraction of jo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the fight <strong>in</strong> Iraq <strong>and</strong><br />
Syria: “extremist violence is more likely to arise wherever<br />
governments are unable to provide for their citizens.” 95<br />
However, <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> countries such as Pakistan, there is a negative<br />
correlation between poverty <strong>and</strong> the support of terrorism. 96 This<br />
is because the elites f<strong>in</strong>d that some of their <strong>in</strong>terests align with<br />
those of the terrorist organisations (for example, the annexation of<br />
Jammu <strong>and</strong> Kashmir), <strong>and</strong> – unlike the poor - they are not as<br />
exposed to the violent implications of their decisions.<br />
In order to ameliorate this occurrence, ‘track II diplomacy’ – i.e.<br />
Diplomacy that is either overseen, facilitated, or carried out by<br />
‘non-state actors’ - should be encouraged. Studies on track II<br />
diplomacy 97 have illustrated that dialogue of this k<strong>in</strong>d usually<br />
36