Final_Judgment

[374] Final Judgment 471
Johnson administration policy. The operation was run for Angleton by his
longtime deputy, the aforementioned Richard Ober. However, when
Richard Nixon came into office in 1969, the Nixon White House began
cooperating closely with Angleton's operation and thus brought Ober into
the White House inner circle. 967
THE MOSSAD IN THE WHITE HOUSE?
There was another added wrinkle, however. This particular fact—
reported by Deborah Davis—has apparently never been mentioned elsewhere
in all the wealth of information published in reference to Watergate and the
intrigue of that era. Davis's revelation is central to an understanding of the
secret forces behind the coup d'etat that ejected Richard Nixon from the
presidency . . .
According to Davis, as part of a so-called solution to three problems
perceived by Secretary of State Kissinger—namely "detente, the Arab-
Israeli wars, and domestic subversion" 968 —Kissinger actually moved
Angleton "into the White House and put him in charge of an Israeli
counterintelligence desk that was in theory independent from and more
important than the Israel desk at the CIA." 969 Davis notes that "Angleton
worked closely with Kissinger and knew almost everything he was doing,
although Kissinger did not have the same advantage with Angleton." 970
Handling the affairs of Angleton's Israeli desk at the White House—a
virtual Mossad outpost—was Angleton's deputy, Richard Ober. Thus,
Angleton and Ober were well-placed at a critical time when Richard Nixon,
flush with victory following his triumphant landslide re-election, began
moving to assert control over the CIA and against Israel
As we have seen, the bungled two-bit Watergate burglary of 1972 had
already taken place, and Nixon and his inner circle had begun a foolish
cover-up attempt. But the evidence suggests that the burglary, from the
beginning, was a set up. And Nixon fell right into it.
It was James Angleton's longtime ally at the Washington Post, Ben
Bradlee, who began the media push that made "Watergate" a household
word and led to the series of official inquiries that brought down Nixon. But
the Post couldn't have orchestrated the public outrage if it hadn't relied so
thoroughly on "Deep Throat"—a highly-placed White House insider who
was able to provide Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein the
information they needed to make Watergate a big, big story.
Deborah Davis provides us a summation of the parameters of the
intrigue between "Deep Throat" and the Washington Post demonstrating,
beyond question, that the Post's Watergate coverage was not just a simple
case of hard-driving young reporters doing a fantastic job of routing out
corruption but that there was much more going on behind the scenes:
"That Woodward was manipulated or 'run,' by Deep Throat is very
clear from [Woodward and Bernstein's book on Watergate] All the