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[50] <strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong> 111<br />

own views in a letter to the Israeli ambassador in Washington, intended to<br />

be circulated among Jewish American leaders, in which he stated: 'Israel will<br />

regard this plan as a more serious danger to her existence than all the threats<br />

of the Arab dictators and Kings, than all the Arab armies, than all of<br />

Nasser's missiles and his Soviet MIGs . . . Israel will fight against this<br />

implementation down to the last man." 120<br />

Clearly, then, by this point, Ben-Gurion perceived the American<br />

president's policies to be a very threat to Israel's survival. Ben-Gurion was<br />

vowing to fight, as we have seen, "down to the last man."<br />

KENNEDY'S GESTURE<br />

Despite all of this, the American president remained determined to find a<br />

solution to the potential crisis presented by Ben-Gurion's obstinacy.<br />

Kennedy offered to sell Israel Hawk missiles for defensive purposes—as<br />

Israel had been demanding—but Kennedy continued to drag his feet on the<br />

sale. The president refused to be pushed to the limit by Israel.<br />

Kennedy finally relented and approved the sale, but only after pressure<br />

from Israel and its allies in the American Congress. By then, however, it<br />

was probably too late. The twig had been bent.<br />

ISRAEL RELENTLESS<br />

Even the arms sales to Israel did not assuage Israel and its lobby.<br />

According to Alfred Lilienthal: "Congress continued to maintain pressures<br />

on the White House. The "Israel first" bloc in the Senate attacked the<br />

administration for failing to conclude a defense pact to protect Israel and to<br />

call an embargo on all arms shipments to the Middle East.<br />

"The legislators reechoed the Ben-Gurion contention that Israel had fallen<br />

behind in the arms race. Nasser, they claimed, was ready for a pushbutton<br />

war. Israel [was] easy to pinpoint and destroy and [could not] retaliate against<br />

four or five Arab states at once." 121<br />

By this time—behind the scenes—Kennedy had ordered continuing<br />

surveillance of the Israelis and their push for the nuclear bomb. It was a top<br />

priority for Kennedy, by all estimations. However, to ensure that Israel's<br />

access to intelligence regarding the American spy operation against Israel<br />

was limited, the surveillance was being conducted directly out of then-CIA<br />

Director John McCone's office. 122<br />

(This, of course, still did not guarantee that Israel's friends in the CIA<br />

[whom we will consider in Chapter 8] did not tip off the Israelis to the<br />

hostile operations being conducted.)<br />

Kennedy was still willing, however, to attempt to settle the matter and<br />

requested that Israel permit American inspectors the opportunity to come to<br />

Israel's nuclear operation at Dimona to verify that—as Israel claimed—the<br />

program was peaceful in nature. This was the president's last-ditch effort,<br />

apparently, to pacify Israel and, at the same time, find out precisely what<br />

was going on at Dimona. But Israel would not permit the inspection.

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