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[48] <strong>Final</strong> <strong>Judgment</strong> 109<br />

However, the CIA did not make known its concerns about Israel's<br />

determination to produce a nuclear bomb. According to Green, "It is perhaps<br />

significant that the memorandum was not drafted as a formal national<br />

intelligence estimate (NIE), which would have involved distribution to<br />

several other agencies of the government. No formal NIE was issued by CIA<br />

on the Israeli nuclear weapons program until 1968." 112<br />

That the CIA—or at the very least, elements within the CIA—would be<br />

interested in protecting Israel's interests is no surprise. As we shall see in<br />

Chapter 8, the ties between Israel and the CIA were quite intimate—perhaps<br />

too intimate in too many, many ways.<br />

KENNEDY AND BEN-GURION<br />

In the meantime, President Kennedy was well aware that Israel's nuclear<br />

project at Dimona would enable Israel to produce at least one bomb per<br />

year—and that was enough to start a world war.<br />

Although Israel's nuclear program was ostensibly "peaceful" in nature, the<br />

fact is that the project was entirely controlled by Israel's Ministry of Defense.<br />

This alone made the project controversial, even in Israel. It was for this reason<br />

that it was critical for Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion to neutralize<br />

JFK's opposition.<br />

There was enough domestic opposition to the program in Israel itself<br />

that Kennedy's own steadfast refusal to support Israeli nuclear development<br />

could have killed the project altogether.<br />

In the early months of his administration, Kennedy maintained regular<br />

contact with Ben-Gurion in an effort to stop the nuclear development. The<br />

two leaders had an ongoing private correspondence over the issue.<br />

A POISONED RELATIONSHIP<br />

According to Seymour Hersh, "Israel's bomb program, and the<br />

continuing exchange of letters about it, would complicate, and eventually<br />

poison, Kennedy's relationship with David Ben-Gurion." 113<br />

Ben-Gurion sought to have a private meeting with Kennedy—in the<br />

course of an official state visit to Washington—but the president refused to<br />

provide a formal invitation.<br />

It was then that, in May 1961, Ben-Gurion pulled his strings at the<br />

White House and contrived a meeting with Kennedy through the<br />

intervention of New York financier Abe Feinberg.<br />

It was Feinberg, as we have seen in Chapter 4, who had initially<br />

smoothed over Kennedy's relations with the American Jewish community<br />

during the 1960 presidential campaign and arranged for a massive infusion of<br />

Jewish money into JFK's campaign.<br />

(It was this experience, as noted previously, that soured Kennedy's<br />

attitude toward Israel and its powerful lobby to a significant extent.)<br />

Feinberg arranged for the American president and the Israeli leader to<br />

meet during Ben-Gurion's unofficial visit to the United States where he was

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