A Cultural Formulation Approach to Career ... - ResearchGate

A Cultural Formulation 

Approach to Career 

Assessment and Career 

Counseling With Asian 

American Clients 

Journal of Career Development 

37(1) 465-486 

ª Curators of the University 

of Missouri 2010 

Reprints and permission: 

sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav 

DOI: 10.1177/0894845310363808 

http://jcd.sagepub.com 

Frederick T. L. Leong 1 , Erin E. Hardin 2 , and Arpana Gupta 3 

Abstract 

Using the cultural formulations approach to career assessment and career 

counseling, the current article applies it specifically to Asian American clients. The 

approach is illustrated by using the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental 

Disorders fourth edition (DSM-IV) Outline for Cultural Formulations that consists 

of the following five dimensions, which are modified for career counseling: 

(a) cultural identity of the individual, (b) cultural conceptions of career problems, 

(c) cultural contexts and psychosocial environment, (d) cultural dynamics of the 

therapeutic relationship, and (e) overall cultural assessment. The article concludes 

with a case study of an Asian American client to serve as an illustration of this 

approach. 

Keywords 

Asian Americans, career assessment, cross-cultural/multicultural career issues 

1 Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA 

2 Texas Tech University, Lubbock, TX, USA 

3 University of Tennessee, Knoxville, TN, USA 

Editor’s Note: The authors thank Mark Pope, EdD, for serving as external action editor for the article. 

Corresponding Author: 

Frederick T. L. Leong, Department of Psychology, Psychology Building, Michigan State University, East 

Lansing, MI 48824, USA 

Email: fleong@msu.edu 

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465

466 Journal of Career Development 37(1) 

The current article applies cultural formulations approach of Leong, Hardin, and 

Gupta (2007) to career assessment and career counseling to Asian American clients. 

Consistent with the recommendations of Leong et al (2007), we illustrate the 

approach by using the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 

fourth edition (DSM-IV) Outline for Cultural Formulations, which consists of the 

following five dimensions: (a) cultural identity of the individual, (b) cultural explanation 

of the individual’s illness, (c) cultural factors related to psychosocial environment, 

(d) cultural elements of the relationship between the individual and the 

clinician, and (e) overall cultural assessment of the case (Diagnostic and Statistical 

Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition, text revision [DSM-IV-TR], pp. 

897 898). Translating those dimensions into the career assessment and career counseling 

arena, we then discuss the cultural formulation approach with Asian 

Americans along the following five dimensions, which parallels the DSM-IV: 

(a) cultural identity of the individual, (b) cultural conception of the career problems, 

(c) cultural factors related to psychosocial environment, (d) cultural element of the 

relationship between the individual and the counselor, and (e) overall cultural 

assessment for career counseling and intervention. 

Finally, we illustrate the approach with a case study. Because of the salience of 

collectivist influences for virtually all Asian cultures, themes tied to collectivism and 

interdependence permeate our discussion of a cultural formulations approach to 

career assessment and counseling with Asian Americans. Before applying the cultural 

formulations approach to Asian Americans, we briefly review the distinctions 

between individualism and collectivism, particularly as they pertain to the career 

counseling process. For the purposes of this article, individualism and collectivism 

are described as extreme, static, and dichotomous cultures, whereas, in reality, this 

level of clear demarcations of biculturalism does not exist. Culture is a complex phenomenon 

and usually manifests as a multicultural entity within individuals, where 

the emphasis is on cultural salience. Various factors will determine which culture 

is important in what situation. The details of these various factors are beyond the 

scope of discussion for the purposes of this article. 

The Western world (i.e., North America and Europe) often adhere to individualistic 

cultural factors, where the individual is the smallest unit of survival and is the 

focus of the therapeutic process. Emphasis is usually placed on the individual’s 

goals, with less consideration toward the goals of others, the community, and/or the 

group. However, collectivism, where the group/collective is the smallest unit of survival, 

focuses to a higher degree on the interests, values, and goals of the group; and 

‘‘group’’ here can refer to various forms such as extended family, work group, tribe, 

caste, country, and so on. Collectivism usually involves the subordination of personal 

goals to be able to attain the goals of the group/community. As will be discussed 

in more detail below, this does not mean that individuals from 

collectivistic cultures reject their own personal needs and goals; rather, the goals and 

values of the group have been internalized to the point that distinction between personal 

goals and collective goals are hard to make. 

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Leong et al. 467 

There are important individual differences that can be found within the cultures. 

For instance, individuals from both individualistic and collectivistic cultures can display 

characteristics of the following: (a) Allocentric: Where individuals sacrifice 

their own needs for that of the group they affiliate with, as their needs are tied to the 

group and their sense of self is tied to that defined by the group. (b) Idiocentric: 

These individuals’ sense of self is defined by their own needs versus that of the 

group, therefore, these individuals may be viewed as being self-serving and more 

self-centered. Often they can be seen as taking advantage of opportunities that will 

help them advance (e.g., moving away from elderly parents to a distant community 

for a high-paying job). These individuals do not completely ignore the needs of the 

group but any attention to others is given out of a sense of duty/obligation (Triandis, 

Brislin, & Hui, 1988). 

There are many different types of patterns associated with persons from collectivistically 

and individualistically oriented cultures, but both types of individuals have 

some common components associated with them. For instance, individuals who lean 

toward being collectivistic, allocentric, and idiocentric pursue in-group goals, but 

allocentric individuals will do so at the expense of sacrificing their own feelings, values, 

and thoughts so that they can conform to the needs of the group (Triandis et al., 

1988). 

Related to these ideas of idiocentrism and allocentrism, Markus and Kitayama 

(1991) have highlighted how culture influences the self, specifically related to concepts 

of independent and interdependent self-construals. Applying their ideas to the 

domain of career counseling suggests that individuals who come from individualistic 

cultures will approach career issues from an independent and autonomous perspective, 

making career decisions that are more likely independent from others and social 

contexts, and will derive internal self-concepts such as self-esteem by trying to independently 

get ahead or be recognized for work-related achievements. Contrary to 

this, individuals from collectivist cultures will approach career issues from an interdependent 

perspective, approaching career decisions that emphasize relationships 

and social context and these individuals’ self-esteem and career success will be tied 

to getting along with others or being able to fit in to the larger community. 

These themes of collectivism and interdependence and the effect they have on the 

career development and counseling needs of Asian Americans recur throughout the 

cultural formulations discussion below. 

Cultural Identity of the Individual 

The first dimension of the cultural formulations approach is Cultural Identity of the 

Individual. According to Lewis-Fernandez and Diaz (2002), this dimension includes 

a consideration of the extent to which clients identify with their ethnic culture and 

the dominant culture. Consequently, vocational counselors need to consider the 

acculturation levels of their client and how cultural identity provides a context for 

understanding the presenting vocational difficulties. Acculturation involves the 


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changes in attitudes, values, beliefs, and norms, when individuals from one culture 

comes into contact with another culture with some scholars proposing that the 

changes are birectional (i.e., the individual and the host culture changes as a result 

of contact). Many of a client’s other cultural identities (sexual orientation, religion, 

social class) may be understood within this larger context of acculturation. For 

example, attitudes and values about sexual orientation may be tied to traditional 

Asian values about gender roles and the importance of family as traditionally 

defined. Indeed, research shows that more highly acculturated Asian Americans tend 

to have less conservative sexual attitudes (including attitudes toward homosexuality) 

than less acculturated Asian Americans (Leiblum, Wiegel, & Brickle, 2003; Meston, 

Trapnell, & Gorzalka, 1998). In addition, some religious identifications may also be 

closely intertwined with one’s ethnic identity (e.g., being Hindu and Indian, Shinto 

and Japanese, etc.). 

Early Ethnic Identity Model 

Over the last several decades, scholars have proposed a few models for describing ethnic 

identity development among Asian Americans. One of the earliest was proposed 

by Sue and Sue (1973) in their threefold typology model, which includes three types of 

ethnic identity: the Traditionalist, Marginal Man, and the Asian American. Traditionalists 

are those individuals who adhere strongly to their Asian values, where self-worth 

and values are tied to family honor and obedience to parents’ expectations, and they 

are raised to believe that racist obstacles can be overcome through behaviors like hard 

work and dedication. Marginal Man, as the name suggests, is one who lives between 

two worlds, the traditional Asian one and the dominant White one, and thus lives in an 

identity crisis trying to acculturate from one’s original cultural values to the westernized 

one. The Asian American is an individual who tries to formulate a new identity 

by negotiating the realities of traditional Asian culture and the White culture. Attempts 

are made to acquire qualities from both the cultures, preserving the traditional yet 

forming a new identity that has some aspects of the dominant. 

To which group an individual belongs comes about as a result of efforts to assimilate 

into the dominant culture and is viewed in terms of a process that involves personal 

striving for respect. If individuals conform to the traditional parental/family 

values, they belong to the Traditionalist category; if they decide to simultaneously 

rebel against traditional values and adopt the western values, they belong to the Marginal 

Man group; and if they decide to rebel against the traditional values but 

develop a new Asian American identity that consists of a compromise between the 

two worlds, they belong to the Asian American category. 

Acculturation Models 

Leong (1995) highlights the importance of investigating acculturation as a 

culture-specific moderating variable in predicting vocational behavior, patterns, and 

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outcomes among Asian Americans. Leong and Chou (1994) argued that ethnic 

identity and acculturation are highly related constructs for Asian Americans’ career 

patterns, and they proposed an integrated framework for combining racial/ethnic 

identity models and acculturation models. Various empirical studies highlight the 

importance of acculturation in understanding the vocational behavior of Asian 

Americans. 

Leong and Chou (1994) have used Berry’s (1980) model as the foundation to 

viewing racial and ethnic identity as a two-dimensional problem; namely, how do 

racial or ethnic minority group individuals view their own culture and how do they 

view their dominant host culture? Based on these two questions, four categories of 

racial/ethnic identity can be identified. Similar to the Asian American of Sue and 

Sue (1973), the Integrationists attempt to have the best of both cultures, thus valuing 

their own culture and that of the White culture. Parallel to the Marginal Man of Sue 

and Sue (1973), Assimilationists (Berry, 1980) adhere positively to White cultural 

norms and negatively to their own traditional Asian culture. Those individuals who 

view the host culture negatively and their own culture positively are Separationists 

(Berry, 1980), and this is similar to the Traditionalist category of Sue and Sue 

(1973). Lastly, Berry (1980) identifies an acculturation process outcome that is not 

recognized by other models, Marginalized, in which individuals view neither the 

host nor the traditional culture favorably. 

Leong and Chou (1994) went on to hypothesize specific career outcomes for 

Asian Americans, given their differential ethnic identity statuses. Individuals 

belonging to the Separationist group were most likely to experience occupational 

barriers and problems such as segregation, occupational stereotyping, and occupational 

discrimination, and thus as a consequence have lower levels of job satisfaction, 

upward mobility, and higher levels of job stress. However, those belonging 

to the Integrationist or Assimilationist categories were likely to be less susceptible 

to the above-mentioned occupational barriers and problems, as they are more likely 

to identify with their Eurocentric job organizations and personnel. The level of 

acculturation of the client and how both the client and counselor conceptualize biculturality 

will have important implications for career intervention. Identifying Asian 

Americans’ acculturation level will help identify how counselors conceptualize the 

client and how they implement culturally sound career interventions to provide 

effective and successful career outcomes. 

Leong and Tata (1990) examined the relation between 177 Chinese American 

children’s level of acculturation (using the Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation 

scale [SL-ASIA]) and their work values (using the Ohio Work Values 

Inventory [OWVI]) at a Los Angeles inner city elementary school. The results of this 

study demonstrated that the most important values for these children were money 

and task satisfaction and of lower importance were constructs such as object orientation 

and solitude. There were also differences in work values based on gender. For 

instance, the Chinese boys valued object orientation, self-realization, and ideas 

data more than the girls, whereas the girls valued altruism more than the boys. 


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Self-realization varied according to acculturation, with the highly acculturated 

valuing self-realization more than the less acculturated students. Similarly, Tang, 

Fouad, and Smith (1999) found that acculturation is related to how stererotypical 

Asian American college students’ expected career choices were; students with 

higher acculturation evidenced less traditional career interests and choices. 

The above examples highlight the fact that the level of acculturation is an important 

cultural variable to consider when understanding the career psychology of Asian 

Americans. Research suggests that Asian Americans can be differentiated along this 

acculturation continuum, whereby, highly acculturated Asian Americans can be seen 

as being similar to their Eurocentric coworkers and thus, may experience less adjustment 

and performance problems in their work organizations, whereas, low acculturated 

Asian Americans can be viewed as being less similar to White European 

Americans and thus, may have a harder time adjusting to the values posed by their 

Eurocentric work environment. It will be important to investigate and consider the 

extent to which acculturation serves as a significant moderating/mediating variable 

for the career and vocational behaviors of Asian Americans. 

Leong and Chou (1994) offer us a good starting point in understanding the role 

that acculturation plays in the vocational behaviors of Asian Americans, but additional 

and more in-depth research directions need to be taken. For example, the differential 

validity of the various acculturation and ethnic identity measures that have 

been developed for use with Asian Americans can be further investigated. In 

addition, recent evidence demonstrates that a multidimensional bilinear model of 

acculturation, which treats acculturation to dominant culture and enculturation to 

ethnic culture as orthogonal and which considers values and behaviors separately, 

provides the best fit to data from Asian American populations (Miller, 2007). Such 

evidence raises questions about whether acculturation in terms of values, behaviors, 

or both may be most related to career-related variables among Asian Americans. 

Additional research is also needed on how acculturation interacts with other identities 

(e.g., sexual orientation) in influencing vocational behavior among Asian 

Americans. For example, we know that many gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) 

adults experience and/or fear discrimination in the workplace (Croteau, 1996) and 

that work attitudes including job satisfaction are related to how ‘‘out’’ GLB adults 

are at work (Day & Schoenrade, 1997). Integrating such findings with the 

framework of Leong and Chou suggests that more highly acculturated LGB Asian 

Americans may experience fewer work adjustment problems and more positive 

work attitudes than less acculturated LGB Asian Americans. However, no research 

to date has explored such questions about the interaction of acculturation and identities 

such as sexual orientation. 

Cultural Conception of Career Problems 

The second dimension of the cultural formulations approach as applied to vocational 

counseling is the cultural conception of the career problems. According to 

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Lewis-Fernandez and Diaz (2002), this dimension includes a consideration of how 

clients understand the causes of their concerns and how those concerns are expressed 

within their cultural context. A vocational counselor needs to consider what clients’ 

vocational difficulties mean to them rather than automatically imposing his or her 

conception of the problem on the client. Because the idea of the self is so salient 

in many vocational theories (e.g., the importance of choosing a career that 

implements the client’s self-concept), having a culturally appropriate understanding 

of the self is especially important for vocational counselors. 

Individuals have multiple selves, whose specific content and behavior 

manifestations are determined by culture (Heine, 2001; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; 

Singelis, 1994; Triandis, 1989). These multiple selves can be conceptualized in various 

ways depending on the different influences of culture. For instance, Triandis 

(1989) distinguished between the private (internal), public (others) and collective 

(members of a specific group) self as mechanisms that influence beliefs, attitudes, and 

behaviors. Triandis argues that generally individuals comprise all three types of self, 

but culture will determine which self will manifest at the forefront to influence cognition, 

affect, and motivation. Culture will also determine the content of the salient self. 

Applying Triandis’s work to the domain of career problems, then, culture influences 

the extent to which the public, private, or collective self is most salient in influencing 

clients’ goals for and their thoughts and feelings about careers, as well as influencing 

the specific characteristics an individual will develop to deal with career problems 

(e.g., obedience and conformity vs. autonomy and independence). 

The self can also be thought of as manifesting in terms of past, current, and future 

possible selves (Markus & Nurius, 1986; Oyserman & Markus, 1993). These selves 

comprise different roles, identities, or attributes; in the context of career counseling, 

possible future selves are particularly relevant. These future selves can be of two 

kinds: either positive (i.e., hoped-for selves), which may lead to approach motivation 

to attain specific goals, or negative (i.e., feared selves; Markus & Nurius, 1986), 

which may lead to avoidance motivation to avoiding specific outcomes. Culture 

influences the development of clients’ future possible selves through mechanisms 

such as the role models available to an individual, barriers that prevent an individual 

from considering certain career goals, and messages about the culture person fit of 

various career paths. For example, cultural messages about which occupations are 

most appropriate for Asian Americans or in which they are likely to find the most 

success may make some future selves (e.g., doctor, engineer) seem more possible 

than others (e.g., actor, nurse) for many Asian Americans. 

Career counselors need to account for cultural variables and place value on 

concepts other than an independent or private self-concept. The sections above have 

discussed the importance of how culture influences self-concept, so for a career theorist 

to ignore cultural factors by restricting career development solely to attaining 

personal interests and implementing personal values is not only inaccurate but 

potentially dangerous for those individuals who come from a collectivistic cultural 

framework where the focus is on an interdependent self-construal. In these cases, 


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behaviors are more likely to be driven by the public or collective self rather than the 

private self. Personal concerns such as happiness, values, and interests become less 

salient with individuals who possess collectivistic selves, because these individuals 

are more often driven by questions such as, ‘‘What does my family value? How can 

I avoid bringing shame to my group? What are their interests?’’ 

Indeed, the literature has accumulated evidence that interdependent individuals 

are more likely to make career decisions that are influenced by others. For example, 

Tang et al. (1999) showed that family involvement, but not personal interests, was a 

strong predictor of career choice interests in an Asian American sample. Similarly, 

Flores and O’Brien (2002) have demonstrated that family support, but not personal 

interests, was a strong predictor of career choice prestige in a sample of Mexican 

American high-school girls. 

A traditional understanding of career theories has been that individuals make the 

‘‘best’’ career choices when they implement their individual self-concept (e.g., 

Super, 1990) or match their personal interests to a career (e.g., Holland, 1996). Such 

an approach has been thought to be inappropriate for more interdependent Asian 

Americans for whom choosing a career based on family influences is more likely 

(e.g., Hardin, Leong, & Osipow, 2001; Leong & Chou, 1994; Leong & Hardin, 

2002; Leong & Serafica, 1995). Although such interdependent motivations in career 

decision making have in the past been interpreted as representing inappropriate levels 

of dependence in career decision making, more recent work has indicated that 

Asian Americans may simply use a different process to arrive at equally ‘‘good’’ 

career decisions. For example, although early studies found that Asian Americans 

exhibited lower career maturity than European Americans (Leong, 1991; Luzzo, 

1992), the two groups did not differ in terms of vocational identity (Leong, 1991) 

or their career decision-making skills (Luzzo, 1992). Hardin et al. (2001) demonstrated 

that the measure of career maturity used in these studies confounded culturally 

appropriate interdependence with career-immature dependence. 

Part of the problem has been a failure to fully understand the diversity in culturally 

based self-concepts. As Leong et al. (2007) argued, researchers and clinicians have 

tended to assume that career decisions based on the interests of family members or 

important others are made at the expense of the individual’s own interests. This logic, 

however, assumes that one’s own interests are necessarily different from those of important 

others. Although this may well be true for those with an independent self, it is much 

less likely to be true for those with an interdependent self. Indeed, Hardin and her colleagues 

have argued recently that when interdependent individuals choose careers that 

are consistent with their family’s interests and values, they are indeed implementing 

their self-concept (Hardin, 2007, 2008; Robitschek & Ashton, 2007, 2008). 

Cultural Context of the Psychosocial Environment 

The third dimension of the cultural formulations approach is Cultural Factors 

Related to Psychosocial Environment and Levels of Functioning, or more simply, 

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the self in cultural context (Leong et al., 2007). According to Lewis-Fernandez and 

Diaz (2002), this dimension includes a consideration of how culture affects a client’s 

perception of stressors and supports in the environment. This means that vocational 

counselors need to consider the cultural context in which their client’s vocational 

difficulties have arisen. 

When considering the vocational development of Asian Americans, an obvious 

culturally based stressor is the experience of real and perceived barriers to choosing 

and implementing a career. Largely owing to the persistence of the model minority 

stereotype, which portrays Asian Americans as academically and financially successful, 

vocational counselors may forget that Asian Americans do in fact face significant 

career barriers. The model minority stereotype itself can serve as a career 

barrier by contributing to occupational stereotyping; an early study, for example, 

found that European American college students perceived Asian Americans as significantly 

less likely to succeed in sales and significantly more likely to succeed in 

computer science, mathematics, or engineering than European Americans (Leong & 

Hayes, 1990). 

Sue and Okazaki (1990) argued that many Asian Americans are well aware of 

these stereotypes and therefore perceive that such math science-dependent careers 

are more accessible, whereas careers that rely on more social and enterprising skills 

(such as sales or broadcasting) are likely to be more closed to Asian Americans. 

Given that the careers that are perceived as more open to Asian Americans are those 

that are dependent on higher education, Sue and Okazaki argued that education is 

thus relatively more functional for Asian Americans than for members of other 

groups. 

Vocational counselors need to explore the extent to which the model minority 

stereotype has influenced the career-related difficulties with which their Asian 

American clients present. For example, has the client received messages that mathematics 

and science related careers are more appropriate for him or her because he or 

she is Asian American? Has the client internalized the model minority stereotype to 

such an extent that he or she perceives his or her lack of interest or aptitude in math 

as a personal failure (cf. Lee, 1994)? The overarching question is the extent to which 

external or internalized messages consistent with the model minority stereotype 

have affected the client’s occupational self-concept and restricted the possible selves 

(Markus & Nurius, 1986; Oyserman & Markus, 1993) the client perceives. 

The model minority stereotype is likely to influence the vocational self-concepts 

of Asian Americans broadly. Leong and Chou (1994) argued convincingly that less 

acculturated Asian Americans would be more likely to experience occupational 

stereotyping, in part because they may be more susceptible to stereotyping by the 

dominant culture (cf. Leong & Hayes, 1990); in other words, more traditional Asian 

Americans may experience more external barriers to what are perceived as nontraditional 

Asian American careers. In addition, to the extent that less acculturated Asian 

Americans have less contact with the dominant culture, they may be exposed to 

fewer role models in other careers. 


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There is also reason to suspect that in some contexts, more highly acculturated 

Asian Americans might also be susceptible to adverse effects of the model minority 

stereotype. As summarized by Leong et al. (2007), social psychological theories of 

the self in context posit that individuals are more likely to identify as a member of a 

particular cultural group when in the minority (Oyserman & Markus, 1993). Asian 

Americans who have grown up in a predominantly European American environment 

may both be more acculturated, as a result of their frequent contact with the dominant 

culture, and be more likely to experience their Asian American identity as salient. 

Further, the drive for optimal distinctiveness (i.e., the need to optimally balance 

affiliation and distinction within a group; Brewer, 1991, 2003) may contribute to 

self-stereotyping, such that these individuals are more likely to identify with both 

the positive and negative stereotypes associated with their group. 

For Asian Americans, family influences are another important aspect of the context 

in which career development occurs. As discussed above, many Asian cultures 

are collectivistic and foster the development of an interdependent self-construal that 

defines the self in relation to others and derives self-esteem from the ability to fit in 

and maintain social relationships (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). The most salient 

social relationships for many Asians are those with one’s family. Thus, to the extent 

that Asian Americans are enculturated to these traditional Asian values and sense of 

self, they are more likely to make vocational decisions that consider the wishes and 

expectations of family members (e.g., Tang et al., 1999). 

Cultural Elements in Relationship Between the Individual and the Counselor 

The fourth dimension of the cultural formulations approach is Cultural elements of 

the relationship between the individual and the counselor. According to Lewis- 

Fernandez and Diaz (2002), this dimension includes a consideration of how culture 

affects the establishment and maintenance of the working alliance and the effects of 

the therapeutic relationship on assessment and treatment. Vocational counselors 

need to attend to cultural factors that affect the therapeutic relationship. 

To improve therapeutic effectiveness and outcomes, we need to consider cultural 

dynamics. The literature suggests that there are many cultural variables that are 

important to consider that will vary depending on the situation and the client. These 

cultural variables will determine the quality of the therapeutic relationship and ultimately 

the quality of the therapeutic process. The following paragraphs will center 

on discussing how the construct of individualism collectivism works within the 

broader framework of activities, attitudes, values, and behaviors among Asian 

Americans to determine the outcome of the career counseling process. There are 

other factors that inform the concept of individualism collectivism (such as morality, 

social systems, religious issues, and economic development) but will not be discussed 

here, as they are beyond the scope of this article (Hui, 1988; Hui & Triandis, 

1986; Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Hui, & Lucca, 1988). 

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Activities. Persons from individualistic cultures generally do not put much stock in 

group activities. For example, family celebrations may be avoided especially if they 

conflict with personal goal attainments. However, persons from collectivistic cultures 

strongly adhere to the norms and values of the group, to the point that they feel 

a strong obligation to sacrifice and conform to group expectations (Triandis et al., 

1988). For example, financial support in some Asian families is accomplished 

through sacrifice of independence and autonomy by living in joint families. Career 

counselors who operate from an individualist worldview may erroneously interpret 

such activities as evidencing career immature dependence on the needs and values of 

the family. Questioning an Asian American client’s choices from this perspective is 

likely to communicate a devaluing of the client and his or her family that is likely to 

rupture the therapeutic relationship 

Attitudes. Individualistically oriented individuals tend to have ambivalent feelings 

toward their in-group members and extended families and at times these can be negative, 

whereas collectivistic-oriented individuals tend to have strong positive feelings 

toward their in-group members. Collectivistic-culture-focused individuals are 

also more likely to display positive attitudes in their vertical relationships (e.g., 

Asian Americans show tremendous respect for their elders such as father son, etc.) 

and in relationships that have power differentials (e.g., boss and employee). 

Harmony and cooperation are ideal characteristics. Individualistic-culture-focused 

persons display the most positive attitudes in horizontal relationships (spouse 

spouse, friend friend) and display ambivalent feelings toward individuals in 

authority positions. Competition and interpersonal discourse are considered acceptable 

in individualistic communities, depending on the relative costs versus pros. 

Both of the groups value self-reliance, but persons from collectivistic cultures use 

self-reliance as a way not to burden the community even though most extended families 

would prefer that their children come to them in times of need. Persons from 

individualistic cultures use self-reliance as a way to obtain personal goals via independence 

and at times competition can be a valued aspect of that process toward 

attaining those personal goals (Triandis et al., 1988) 

In terms of the therapeutic relationship, career counselors need to be aware of 

how Asian American clients may see the counseling relationship as vertical, with the 

counselor in the superordinate or expert role. Deference to the counselor’s opinion 

and seeking of advice therefore does not necessarily represent passivity or 

dependence on the part of the client but rather a culturally appropriate deference 

to the counselor’s legitimate authority (cf. Sue & Sue, 2008). 

Values. The following are considered values important for collectivistically 

oriented individuals: harmony, face saving, filial piety, modesty, moderation, thrift, 

equality of distribution of rewards, and fulfilling other’s needs before one’s own. 

Status is defined through ascription, and this suggests importance being placed on 

the past and the present. For example, Asian Americans believe that they have 


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achieved status through characteristics such as age, family, name, reputation, and so 

on. The values important for individualistically focused individuals are freedom, 

honesty, social recognition, comfort, hedonism, and equity among group members. 

The main goal for persons from individualistic cultures is personal success, and 

various techniques such as contracts can be used to ensure that personal success is 

attained. For these individuals, status is defined by personal achievement and success 

(Triandis et al., 1988). 

Because of the value placed on face saving and maintaining harmony, Asian 

Americans may adopt a more indirect style of communication in counseling. 

Directly disagreeing with the counselor, for example, could cause the counselor to 

lose face or disrupt the therapeutic relationship. The client may therefore rely on 

more subtle and indirect forms of communication. Unfortunately, however, many 

career counselors with more individualistic values are unable to receive these indirect 

messages, which can result in misunderstandings. Frustration may also result 

when the counselor with individualist values misinterprets the client as being 

resistant or evasive (see Sue & Sue, 2008). 

Behaviors. Collectivist cultures spend most time demonstrating associative behaviors 

such as giving, helping, and supporting, but these behaviors are limited to 

members of the group only, and members outside the group can often be approached 

with distrust, hostility, and/or dissociation. Persons from individualistic cultures are 

more able and comfortable among strangers; they can function separate from the 

group and are able to independently get tasks accomplished. Neither construct suggests 

an advantage over the other. Each has certain benefits and disadvantages associated 

with the values, norms, attitudes, behaviors, and activities affiliated with each. 

Overall, there is a need for autonomy and independence among individualistically 

focused persons, whereas collectivistically oriented individuals have a stronger need 

for affiliation and nurturance (Hui & Villareal, 1987; Triandis et al., 1988). 

When working with an Asian American client, non Asian American career 

counselors may be approached with an initial distrust because they are a member 

of the out-group. Asian American clients’ very real experiences with discrimination 

and stereotyping may also make them initially distrustful of the therapeutic process, 

particularly if the counselor is a member of the dominant European American culture; 

therefore, career counselors should be prepared not to demonstrate their competence 

and trustworthiness by taking the time to build rapport with the client, 

respecting cultural differences, and directly acknowledging these differences and 

any barriers that might represent. In keeping with many Asian American clients’ preferences 

for indirect communication that maintains harmony and preserves face, the 

most effective approach may be to address issues of culture indirectly or hypothetically, 

for example by noting to clients that, ‘‘Sometimes when there are cultural 

differences between the client and counselor, it is not unusual for the client to have 

questions or concerns about how well the counselor understands the client’s 

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experience. I’m wondering how likely you think it is that such concerns might arise 

in our work together?’’ (cf. Sue & Sue, 2008). 

Overall Cultural Assessment for Career Counseling and Intervention 

The fifth dimension of the cultural formulations approach is Overall cultural assessment 

for career counseling and intervention. The overall cultural assessment 

involves integrating all of the cultural information into an integrated formulation, 

which draws from career assessment information and seeks to provide a culturally 

appropriate career counseling plan for the client. In this regard, Leong’s integrative 

model (1996b) of psychotherapy can provide some guidance in conducting this overall 

cultural assessment. In this model, Leong (1996b) began with a critique that the 

unidimensional nature of the major career development theories tend to constrain 

and confine the utility and relevance of career counseling services for minority 

group members, including Asian Americans, because they are based on an assumed 

universality. 

Leong’s (1996b) multidimensional and integrative model of cross-cultural counseling 

and psychotherapy used the tripartite framework of Kluckhohn and Murray 

(1950) and proposed that cross-cultural counselors and therapists need to attend to 

all three major dimensions of human personality and identity, namely the Universal, 

the Group, and the Individual dimensions. The Universal dimension is based on the 

knowledge-base generated by mainstream psychology and the ‘‘universal laws’’ of 

human behavior that have been identified (e.g., the universal ‘‘fight or flight’’ 

response in humans to physical threat). The Group dimension has been the domain 

of both cross-cultural psychology and ethnic minority psychology and the study of 

gender differences. The third and final dimension concerns unique Individual 

differences and characteristics. The Individual dimension is more often covered 

by behavioral and existential theories, where individual learning histories and personal 

phenomenology are proposed as critical elements in the understanding of 

human behavior. Leong’s (1996b) integrative model proposes that all three dimensions 

are equally important in understanding human experiences and should be 

attended to by the counselor in an integrative fashion. 

The integrative model of cross-cultural counseling proposed by Leong (1996b) 

has as one of its fundamental bases the notion that the individual client must exist 

at three levels, the Universal, the Group, and the Individual. The problem with much 

of the past research in the field of cross-cultural counseling is that the focus has been 

on only one of the three levels, ignoring the influence of the other levels in the counseling 

situation. Leong’s (1996b) integrative model includes all three dimensions of 

personality as well as their dynamic interactions, and thus will have better incremental 

validity than any model that only focuses on only one of the three levels. Incremental 

validity consists of greater variance of the criterion being predicted above 

and beyond the original set of variables. For example, factoring in a person’s race 

in addition to gender will increase our understanding of that person’s behavior with 


477


regard to a specific outcome than if just gender was accounted for in the equation. 

The integrative model for cross-cultural counseling and psychotherapy was conceived 

to provide a more complex, integrative, and dynamic conception of human 

beings. 

Instead of developing a whole new approach to career assessment just for Asian 

Americans, there are a few variables that can be incorporated into existing career 

assessment tools to make the assessment process and outcome more culturally valid. 

By using Leong’s (1996b) integrative model of examining Universal, Group, and 

Individual dimensions of human personality, one can increase the cultural validity 

of our cultural formulations. Cultural validity is concerned with how valid a 

construct or measure or model is for other cultural groups above and beyond the traditional 

western European groups on which most constructs have been validated. 

The cultural formulations approach needs to recognize the importance of using the 

person environment interaction model rather than just focusing on the person and 

ignoring the cultural context variables in the lives of racial and ethnic minorities. 

The value of Leong’s (1996b) integrative model is in providing a guideline for 

using the proposed cultural formulations approach with Asian Americans. It begins 

with recognizing the importance of the multidimensional nature of clients and complex 

interactions of the Universal, Group, and Individual dimensions in the lives of 

our career clients. It moves on to recommend using an integrated multidimensional 

approach to examine Universal, Group, or Individual elements that play a significant 

role in influencing the career choice, adjustment, and outcomes for our Asian 

American clients. Of course, studies are needed to investigate whether the integration 

of cultural general and culture-specific variables (e.g., cultural identity) in this 

integrative process can lead to more relevant and appropriate cultural formulations 

in career assessment and career counseling with Asian American clients. 

Case Study 

Case Description of Anil Patel 

A 20-year-old, single, homosexually oriented Asian Indian American male is 

referred to the University Health Center by his academic advisor because he displays 

somatic symptoms such as headaches, stomach aches, and fatigue. He is a junior student 

taking classes at a southern university where Christian beliefs are dominant and 

where members of ethnic minority groups are rare. His advisor knows that he is a 

bright student but that he has lost interest in his school work, lacks motivation, and 

is failing in some of his classes. He has told his advisor that his parents want him to 

go into medicine and he thinks that that would be a good career choice as then he 

would be able to take care of his family, get married, and have a stable future. Anil 

has to take the medical entrance examination (MCATs: Medical College Admission 

Tests) in a few months and fears that he will fail in them and also let his parents 

down, and in turn bring shame and embarrassment to everyone in his family. In his 

478 



free time, he enjoys flying planes and playing musical instruments such as the guitar. 

He also volunteers at the local theater and has participated in some of the 

community-sponsored plays and events. He enjoys these activities tremendously but 

claims that these could not be career options as they are not stable and would not be 

acceptable by his family and friends. 

Anil’s father owns a local fast food Indian restaurant and his mother is primarily a 

housewife who at times helps out at the restaurant. Anil is first-generation American; 

his parents came to the United States to fulfill their dreams for a better future for 

themselves and their children. Anil has two younger sisters, one who is just entering 

college and the other is in high school. Anil’s parents want him to get married and 

take care of them and his sisters. He has dated men on and off but does not feel like 

he can tell anyone about his relationships. This has further burdened his sense of 

well-being. In addition, recent hate crimes toward gay and lesbian persons at the university 

make him feel shameful and fearful about disclosing his same-sex sexual 

orientation. He feels out of place at the university and feels that his Asian Indian 

identity along with his sexual orientation make him a target for multiple oppressions. 

Working With Anil: Applying the Cultural Formulations Approach 

To understand Anil’s situation via the career cultural formulations approach using 

the DSM-IV (Leong et al., 2007), five basic aspects of this model are used to 

conceptualize this case and intervene accordingly: (a) Anil’s cultural identity, 

(b) cultural explanations of the career concern, (c) cultural factors related to psychosocial 

environment and levels of functioning, (d) cultural elements of the therapeutic 

relationship between Anil and the clinician, and (e) overall cultural assessment for 

diagnosis and intervention. 

Anil’s cultural identity. Several key aspects of Anil’s cultural identity are suggested 

in the vignette, across the various levels of self (Oyserman & Markus, 1993). 

Oyserman and Markus (1993) describe a model including the various layers of social 

embeddedness that are involved in the process of forming the self. Layer 1 of the 

model includes factors such as family, friends, and significant others. Anil is concerned 

about his family’s expectations, his position in the family as he is the only 

son and the oldest, and the effect his decision will make on his community. Layer 

2, which involves the neighborhood, work, and school are also important factors, 

as his university setting is impacting his decision to go with a nontraditional career 

role versus being able to express himself in ways where he will not be ostracized. He 

may have less motivation to pursue a career in the arts as it could threaten his sense 

of connectedness and harmony with others in his community. In addition, the need to 

seek a degree that would be both prestigious and beneficial for his family would be 

more desirable, as it would emphasize the philosophy of cooperation and community 

over competition and individuality. The third layer comprises ethnicity, gender, 

religion, and social class; sexual orientation, although ignored by Oyserman and 


479


Markus, is another cultural identity which Anil’s self (and indeed the self of any 

individual) is embedded. This layer of the social context also influences the fact that 

Anil is unable to follow some of his interests, as he believes that these would not 

progress his movement toward his cultural goals and values. Anil is a firstgeneration 

immigrant and likely has an acculturation level that is different from his 

parents; he is also faced with dealing with discrimination issues against the lesbian, 

gay, bisexual, and transgendered (LGBT) population, all of which may influence his 

future career decisions. In addition, the historical, economic, and national regional 

context (Layer 4) of his university with regard to opinions toward his ethnic group 

and toward the LGBT population make it difficult for him to express a career 

outcome that would be congruent with all of his desires and passions 

Cultural explanations of the career concern. Anil’s career issues can be conceptualized 

and intervened from various culturally informed practices/models described 

above. However, for a therapist to provide culturally informed and appropriate interventions, 

Anil’s motives would first have to be understood. Anil needs to strike a 

balance between meeting the needs of the community, meeting the family’s expectations, 

meeting his individual needs and also being able to understand how these 

factors intersect with Anil’s motives, his abilities, his resources, and his interests. 

The therapist would have to be able to help Anil weigh the extent to which picking 

a profession that is expected of him meets his own needs. For example, it is unclear 

how conflicted Anil is about pursuing a career in medicine. By exploring with Anil 

what a career in medicine would mean to him, the counselor can get a better sense of 

whether pursuing a career in medicine would fulfill his personal, private needs 

(including, for example, fulfilling his role in the family) or whether this career path 

feels in conflict to his personal needs and values. The therapist would also have to be 

able to help Anil weigh the extent to which picking a career that he is especially 

interested in could be construed as meeting the needs of his family. If Anil’s parents 

want him to obtain stable, well-paying employment and believe this is only possible 

through a career in medicine, could Anil provide information to his parents that 

would persuade them that a career in the arts could also achieve these needs? All 

of this would preferably be done in collaboration with input from his family, his 

community, and his culture. Preferably a compromised balance can be explored 

where Anil’s obligations, expectations, needs, and interests are weighed out and 

addressed 

Cultural factors related to psychosocial environment and levels of functioning. A factor 

closely related to the element of psychosocial environment among Asian Americans 

is the fact that their identity is attached to the model minority myth. Social pressures 

force them to conform to the stereotypes of pursuing careers that are often science 

related. In addition, there is the pressure of conforming to the expectations of the 

family. There is also the additional concern regarding discrimination regarding 

Anil’s affiliation to an ethnic minority group and to a group where his sexual 

480 



orientation would most likely be ridiculed and not accepted. Clearly, Anil is faced 

with a situation of multiple oppressions. This means that the therapist will have to 

work on Anil’s drive for optimal distinctiveness, where a balance will need to be 

struck between his affiliation and distinction within his groups. A question to 

explore will be whether Anil can see long-term advantages worthy of the adjustment 

issues that may be associated with the cultural and societal norms he decides to 

adhere to and to those he decides to reject. Whatever decisions Anil decides to make 

will be associated with some level of distress, suggesting the need for the therapist to 

work on establishing new coping strategies and developing resources and support 

systems that can help Anil through the pressures from his psychosocial environment 

Cultural elements of the therapeutic relationship between Anil and the clinician. This is 

an important aspect of the therapy process, as it will significantly influence the outcome 

and satisfaction level of the client. In order for a therapeutic alliance to be 

made between Anil and the therapist, trust and understanding need to be paramount. 

This means exploring the degree of collectivism versus individualism Anil feels 

toward his family, community, and group. Without such exploration, the therapist 

runs the danger either of imposing an individualist approach and assuming the client 

feels conflicted about pursuing his family’s goal of a career in medicine, or of stereotyping 

the client and assuming a collectivist approach and assuming the client should 

not explore other possible career paths. 

All these factors will need to be investigated within the broader framework of the 

self, activities, attitudes, values, and behaviors among Asian Americans to determine 

the outcome of the career counseling process. In the end, the therapist needs 

to be informed of the Asian cultures, expectations, and values to be able to match 

those of the client. More importantly, the therapist needs to be aware of withingroup 

differences that exist among Asian Americans, and thus, take an approach that 

is mindful and thoughtful so that Anil’s individual needs are met within the context 

of the larger Asian Indian cultural norm. 

Overall cultural assessment for diagnosis and care. Culturally appropriate assessment 

for Anil would involve focusing on some of the following factors. Because this client 

comes from a collectivistic society, the therapist would need to look at the ‘‘self’’ of 

this client as defined within the boundaries of the group. This client values the 

expectations of his family and wants to be able to provide for his family in the future. 

Thus, some effort needs to be made to mediate the expectations of both the client and 

his family. The values, activities, and attitudes of his family would be important to 

consider and be accounted for. Because the values of this client’s group are often 

associated with harmony, face saving, filial piety, modesty, moderation, thrift, 

equality of distribution of rewards, and fulfilling other’s needs before your own, 

interventions will need to account for these factors so that the client can achieve 

an outcome that is consistent with his values and identity and with those of his 

culture 


481


What at face value may appear to be career indecision should not be interpreted as 

a result of Anil’s poor career decision making self-efficacy. This is because Anil’s 

cultural background makes this more complex and multifaceted than what it initially 

appears to be. Individualized and western-based assessments may only tell part of 

the story and may ignore the cultural factors that are salient to clients like Anil. 

Imposing an individualist approach and assuming Anil is overly dependent on his 

family, has personal interests that differ from those of others, and therefore should 

pursue a career that aligns with those personal interests ignores Anil’s group identities 

and inappropriately imposes universal assumptions on Anil. However, imposing 

a collectivist approach and assuming Anil wants to conform to his family’s 

expectations, would be fulfilling his private self by doing so, and should not be 

encouraged to explore other options ignores Anil’s individual experience that results 

from the interaction of his multiple cultural identities, and inappropriately imposes 

stereotypical assumptions on Anil. To work effectively with Anil, then, the therapist 

needs to use an understanding of Anil’s various cultural group identities to explore 

Anil’s own understanding of his problem within his unique context, taking into 

account how his multiple identities create a unique psychosocial environment and 

using this understanding to establish an effective therapeutic relationship and to provide 

culturally informed, individualized treatment. 

Declaration of Conflicting Interests 

The author(s) declared no conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or 

publication of this article. 

Funding 

The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this 

article. 

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Bios 

Frederick T. L. Leong, PhD, is a professor of psychology at Michigan State University 

(MSU) in the Industrial/Organizational and Clinical Psychology programs. He is also the 

director of the Consortium for Multicultural Psychology Research at MSU. He has authored 

or coauthored over 120 articles in various psychology journals, 80 book chapters, and also 

edited or coedited 10 books. He is the editor-in-chief of the Encyclopedia of Counseling 

(SAGE) and the APA Handbook of Multicultural Psychology (APA Books) and also the editor 

of the Division 45 Book Series on Cultural, Racial and Ethnic Psychology. He is the founding 

editor of the Asian American Journal of Psychology. Dr. Leong is a fellow of the APA (Divisions 

1, 2, 5, 12, 17, 45, and 52), APS, Asian American Psychological Association, and the 

International Academy for Intercultural Research. His major research interests center around 

culture and mental health, cross-cultural psychotherapy (especially with Asians and Asian 

Americans), cultural and personality factors related to career choice and work adjustment. 

He is the past president of APA’s Division 45 (Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic 

Minority Issues), Division 12-Section VI (Clinical Psychology of Ethnic Minorities), the 

Asian American Psychological Association, the Division of Counseling Psychology of the 

International Association of Applied Psychology. 

Erin E. Hardin, PhD, received her PhD in counseling psychology from The Ohio State University. 

She is currently an associate professor of psychology at Texas Tech University. Her 

research program focuses on the role of the self in well-being, broadly defined. She is particularly 

interested in self-construal, self-discrepancies, and implicit self-theories, especially as 

they relate to cultural differences in the self and the role of the self in vocational development. 

In her free time, she enjoys playing poker, traveling, and spending time with her partner and 

two young daughters. 

Arpana ‘‘Annie’’ Gupta is a doctoral student in the counseling psychology program at the 

University of Tennessee, Knoxville, and is an intern at Harvard/Massachusetts General 


485


Hospital. She received an MEd in community counseling from Wake Forest University. Her 

primary research interests include quantitative research methods such as meta-analysis, structural 

equation modeling, and factor analysis; and Asian American (AA) psychology, with a 

specific focus on the following: acculturation, racial identity, stereotype thereat, suicide, 

health disparities, career, and public policy issues. She is an active member of the profession 

and has held the following leadership positions: American Psychological Association (APA) 

Division 45 (Society for Ethnic and Minority Psychology) Student Representative, American 

Psychological Association of Graduate Students—Committee on Ethnic and Minority Affairs 

APAGS-CEMA Regional Diversity Coordinator, and Asian American Psychological Association 

(AAPA) Board Member and Student Representative. Her leisure-time activities include 

working out, cooking, painting, traveling, and ballroom dancing. 

486

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