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It should be noted that the observers making these judgments had not actually observed INTJs in a<br />

dangerous situation. Their labels are based on "gut feelings" rather than evidence. Still, it would be<br />

interesting to know what precisely provoked said feelings. Even if incorrect—and I frankly believe<br />

it is—a mislabel can be damaging to the labeled person's credit. Let's look a little more closely at<br />

what constitutes courage for an INTJ.<br />

Courage<br />

Keirsey (1998) has noted that for Rationals, courage is a conscious decision. Unlike (say) the<br />

Artisans, who are too engrossed in immediate tactics to fully process the danger they are in,<br />

Rationals perceive the danger all too well and stiffen their resolve to meet it. Theirs is not reckless<br />

courage, but deliberate, willpower-fueled courage.<br />

I suspect the reason male INTJs were viewed as not being “courageous” due to their naturally<br />

cautious nature. They do not take as many physical risks as, say, their ENTP opposites, who were<br />

characterized as both "reckless" and "adventurous." 28 Generally speaking, the types that float<br />

around the ITJ end of the spectrum steer clear of unnecessary danger, while the types that float<br />

around the ETP end of the spectrum like skydiving.<br />

Later in this book we'll look at Nathaniel Bowditch, an INTJ who astonished his companions by<br />

remaining perfectly calm and controlled under perilous circumstances. Though he is merely one<br />

example, I think his case provides an excellent argument for the idea that INTJs have a willpowerbased<br />

form of courage.<br />

Nonconformity<br />

After WWII, psychologists grew interested in the psychology of conformity and obedience. A<br />

number of revealing studies were undertaken that showed humans are surprisingly willingly to<br />

submit to others' authority.<br />

In one such experiment (the Asch conformity experiment), psychologists wanted to see how much<br />

people’s decisions were molded by those around them. The experimenters took a group of 5 -7<br />

people and gave them a card with a line on it. They were instructed to compare the card to another<br />

card with three lines of differing length on it. The objective was to compare the two cards and<br />

decide which lines matched.<br />

The trick behind the experiment was that all but one of the “test subjects” in the group had actually<br />

been hired by the experimenters. For each test, the fake test subjects would all choose one of the<br />

wrong lines and agree that it was correct. Then the reaction of the real test subject was observed to<br />

see if they would agree with the wrong conclusion.<br />

The experiment demonstrated that the opinions of a group have a strong effect on the decisions of<br />

an individual. If left uninfluenced by others, the test subjects would almost always choose the<br />

correct line. But when the majority formed a unanimously wrong consensus, the test subjects<br />

would often subjugate their own opinions to those of the group. Test subjects agreed with the<br />

wrong answer 32% of the time, and 75% of the test subjects chose a wrong answer at least once.<br />

(However, it is significant to note that the remaining 25% did not agree with the wrong majority<br />

even one time. So about 1 out of 4 people seem to be immune to the consensus effect. Other<br />

subjects, however, agreed with the majority every time.)<br />

Another result that emerged was that if one other member dissented—even if they gave the wrong<br />

28 Thorne & Gough, 1991

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