The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Neolithic period • 61 • broad-based spectrum of cultivation, gathering, herding, hunting and sea fishing is indicated. There is sporadic evidence for scratch ploughs or ards, from the Earlier Neolithic onwards, including the marks preserved under the South Street long barrow, Wiltshire (Ashbee et al. 1979). There have been claims for permanent plots or arable fields. The most extensive, the stonewalled systems of western Ireland, appear rather to have contained livestock; and their age remains fully to be established by radiocarbon dating. Irregular stone-walled plots on the Shetland Islands may be Bronze Age or later rather than Neolithic, and the ditched paddocks of Fengate and other sites on the western margin of the East Anglian Fens are now better seen as Later Bronze Age than Late Neolithic. Regional, topographic and other biases hinder reconstruction. Northern areas have been relatively neglected in terms of major research projects, though that is changing (Barclay 1997; Sharples in Sharples and Sheridan 1992). Much research has concentrated on monuments, both for their interest and importance and because they are generally more easily identifiable than residential occupations. The search for residential sites by means of surface survey, looking principally for lithic scatters, has intensified since the mid-1980s: projects have concentrated on heavily cultivated, thin soils, mainly on the chalk downland of southern England, where monuments also occur. Much less research has been done on coasts, in wetlands and in river valleys. Wetland research, for example in the Somerset Levels (Coles and Coles 1986), has produced spectacular results, not in the identification of domestic sites but in the discovery of successive wooden walkways across fen, fenwood and raised bog, showing organized routes across wet places and wide use of the landscape. Large-scale rescue projects under way in advance of gravel extraction in the Thames and Ouse river valleys promise to reveal much more about valley use. CHANGING PERSPECTIVES IN NEOLITHIC STUDIES Archaeologists have become more reflective of the ways in which assumptions about the Neolithic period are formed. In terms of dominant theory, Neolithic studies reflect post-war trends rather well, and indeed for some 15 years have been in the forefront of theoretical debate. Initially, the culture-historical model prevailed, best encapsulated by Piggott’s classic synthesis The Neolithic cultures of the British Isles (1954). The Neolithic was marked by an intrusive agricultural population, arranged in various regional cultural groups, whose artefacts, monuments and development form much of the substance of the book. This was an era of relatively small-scale excavations, for example by Piggott and Atkinson at West Kennet and Wayland’s Smithy long barrows and Stonehenge, or by Grahame Clark at the camp at Peacock’s Farm, Shippea Hill, on the Cambridgeshire fen-edge. Subsequently, Clark set up larger-scale research excavation at an occupation site at Hurst Fen, Mildenhall, and thereafter large-scale rescue excavations, for example at Durrington Walls henge (Wainwright 1989), were mounted. The application of radiocarbon dating began to lengthen the period, and aerial photography to extend distributions of ploughedout sites including causewayed enclosures. Fieldwork was concentrated in southern parts of Britain. This bias, created by contemporary perceptions and assumptions as much as by the apparent archaeological richness of the south, persisted for a long time. In the heyday of processual archaeology, from the late 1960s to the early 1980s, the concern with culture decreased, though research into individual monument and artefact types remained plentiful. A focus on a combination of expansive economy, growing population and changing social structure dominated research. Interpretation of monuments was revived (e.g. Renfrew 1973): these became the territorial markers of sedentary populations concerned with land and
• 62 • Alasdair Whittle resources in competition for space and social position, long barrows and causewayed enclosures for segmentary or tribal society and henges for later chiefdoms. Processual concerns with subsistence (‘palaeoeconomy’) began to produce better recovery of bone and plant remains, but only on a limited scale. Considerable palynological research was undertaken, in which radiocarbondated pollen profiles added much to the understanding of changing landscapes. Palynologists, however, tended to look to the dominant archaeological models in interpreting vegetational changes; earlier ideas of shifting agriculture and shifting settlement were generally disregarded. Large, often prolonged excavations occurred at selected sites, especially southern monuments, such as Hambledon Hill and Crickley Hill causewayed enclosures, Hazleton long barrow and Mount Pleasant henge. The post-processual theoretical challenge involved Neolithic examples from the outset. Shanks and Tilley (1982) examined the meaning of bone arrangements and sortings in southern long barrows, while Hodder (1982) considered possible conceptual links amongst henges, tombs and houses in the Later Orcadian Neolithic. As in the processual era, it would be misleading to claim theoretical unity. Partly from a theoretical perspective and partly as the results of largescale survey projects started to become available during the 1980s, the sedentary nature of the Neolithic came increasingly under question, and a dominant role for agriculture was also challenged (Moffett et al. 1989; Entwhistle and Grant 1989). The meanings of monuments and their associated practices were emphasized rather than their functions, and material culture was seen as an active agent in promoting individual and sectional interests rather than as a reflector solely of group affiliation. The conceptual and symbolic importance of domestication was emphasized (Hodder 1990; Thomas 1991; 1996). Growing interest in the agency and independence of Neolithic populations viewed as social actors not only encouraged the new consensus of continuity from Mesolithic to Neolithic, replacing the colonization model, but allowed for social changes to have been variable, as opposed to conforming to a universal process, especially in the Later Neolithic (e.g. Barrett 1994). Field research and its publication have remained important (though comparatively little has so far been generated directly by the post-processualist agenda). Recession from the later 1980s reduced the quantity of rescue excavation, but the gravel workings noted above remain important. Since 1980, there has been proportionately more work in the north (Barclay 1997), on monuments and monument complexes in eastern Scotland such as Balfarg, Fife, as well as in Orkney, and on occupation sites there and in the Western Isles. Some perceptions have not altered much during this phase of research. There is still a strong evolutionary assumption that the pattern of cultural and other changes reflects an underlying process of steady, more-or-less linear progression to greater social complexity and differentiation, as well as to a higher population with a gradually more intensive economy. There is equally a strong belief that the social dynamic driving change was competition for power, or at the very least for social pre-eminence or hegemony. These assumptions have in their turn recently been questioned (e.g. Thomas 1993; Whittle 1996). Further such particularizing investigations, and a more engendered Neolithic archaeology, allied to greater concern for shared values and ideals, may further challenge these assumptions. These new emphases could tie in with the geographically broader range of field research now being undertaken, which may be recognizing a widely spread but highly dispersed population. Future studies may focus on slow change among small-scale, dispersed populations, driven as much by their world view and long ritual cycles as by the demands of growing population or agricultural intensification.
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• 62 • Alasdair Whittle<br />
resources in competition for space and social position, long barrows and <strong>ca</strong>usewayed enclosures<br />
for segmentary or tribal society and henges for later chiefdoms. Processual concerns with<br />
subsistence (‘palaeoeconomy’) began to produce better recovery <strong>of</strong> bone and plant remains, but<br />
only on a limited s<strong>ca</strong>le. Considerable palynologi<strong>ca</strong>l research was undertaken, in which radio<strong>ca</strong>rbondated<br />
pollen pr<strong>of</strong>iles added much to the understanding <strong>of</strong> changing lands<strong>ca</strong>pes. Palynologists,<br />
however, tended to look to the dominant archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l models in interpreting vegetational<br />
changes; earlier ideas <strong>of</strong> shifting agriculture and shifting settlement were generally disregarded.<br />
Large, <strong>of</strong>ten prolonged ex<strong>ca</strong>vations occurred at selected sites, especially southern monuments,<br />
such as Hambledon Hill and Crickley Hill <strong>ca</strong>usewayed enclosures, Hazleton long barrow and<br />
Mount Pleasant henge.<br />
<strong>The</strong> post-processual theoreti<strong>ca</strong>l challenge involved Neolithic examples <strong>from</strong> the outset.<br />
Shanks and Tilley (1982) examined the meaning <strong>of</strong> bone arrangements and sortings in southern<br />
long barrows, while Hodder (1982) considered possible conceptual links amongst henges, tombs<br />
and houses in the Later Or<strong>ca</strong>dian Neolithic. As in the processual era, it would be misleading to<br />
claim theoreti<strong>ca</strong>l unity. Partly <strong>from</strong> a theoreti<strong>ca</strong>l perspective and partly as the results <strong>of</strong> larges<strong>ca</strong>le<br />
survey projects started to become available during the 1980s, the sedentary nature <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Neolithic <strong>ca</strong>me increasingly under question, and a dominant role for agriculture was also<br />
challenged (M<strong>of</strong>fett et al. 1989; Entwhistle and Grant 1989). <strong>The</strong> meanings <strong>of</strong> monuments and<br />
their associated practices were emphasized rather than their functions, and material culture<br />
was seen as an active agent in promoting individual and sectional interests rather than as a<br />
reflector solely <strong>of</strong> group affiliation. <strong>The</strong> conceptual and symbolic importance <strong>of</strong> domesti<strong>ca</strong>tion<br />
was emphasized (Hodder 1990; Thomas 1991; 1996). Growing interest in the agency and<br />
independence <strong>of</strong> Neolithic populations viewed as social actors not only encouraged the new<br />
consensus <strong>of</strong> continuity <strong>from</strong> Mesolithic to Neolithic, replacing the colonization model, but<br />
allowed for social changes to have been variable, as opposed to conforming to a universal<br />
process, especially in the Later Neolithic (e.g. Barrett 1994). Field research and its publi<strong>ca</strong>tion<br />
have remained important (though comparatively little has so far been generated directly by the<br />
post-processualist agenda). Recession <strong>from</strong> the later 1980s reduced the quantity <strong>of</strong> rescue<br />
ex<strong>ca</strong>vation, but the gravel workings noted above remain important. Since 1980, there has been<br />
proportionately more work in the north (Barclay 1997), on monuments and monument<br />
complexes in eastern Scotland such as Balfarg, Fife, as well as in Orkney, and on occupation<br />
sites there and in the Western Isles.<br />
Some perceptions have not altered much during this phase <strong>of</strong> research. <strong>The</strong>re is still a strong<br />
evolutionary assumption that the pattern <strong>of</strong> cultural and other changes reflects an underlying<br />
process <strong>of</strong> steady, more-or-less linear progression to greater social complexity and differentiation,<br />
as well as to a higher population with a gradually more intensive economy. <strong>The</strong>re is equally a<br />
strong belief that the social dynamic driving change was competition for power, or at the very<br />
least for social pre-eminence or hegemony. <strong>The</strong>se assumptions have in their turn recently been<br />
questioned (e.g. Thomas 1993; Whittle 1996). Further such particularizing investigations, and a<br />
more engendered Neolithic archaeology, allied to greater concern for shared values and ideals,<br />
may further challenge these assumptions. <strong>The</strong>se new emphases could tie in with the geographi<strong>ca</strong>lly<br />
broader range <strong>of</strong> field research now being undertaken, which may be recognizing a widely spread<br />
but highly dispersed population. Future studies may focus on slow change among small-s<strong>ca</strong>le,<br />
dispersed populations, driven as much by their world view and long ritual cycles as by the demands<br />
<strong>of</strong> growing population or agricultural intensifi<strong>ca</strong>tion.