The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Lateglacial colonization of Britain • 19 • The use of imported flint is nowhere more apparent than in western Britain, where instances of geologically in situ sources of flint are rare. Finds from Kent’s Cavern and Three Holes Cave (Devon) include well-made flint blades and tools on long blade blanks. Significantly, although good flint sources are available at Beer (Devon), the only local material employed at Three Holes Cave seems to have been Greensand chert, which occurs at the site almost exclusively in the form of retouched tools (Barton and Roberts 1996). The low quantities of flint debitage with cortication and primary blade waste recorded at both sites further implies that many of the tools and blades were imported as finished items rather than being knapped on the spot. A similar situation has also been described for Gough’s Cave (Somerset), where translucent flints appear to have been carried in from sources no nearer than the Vale of Pewsey, on the northern edge of Salisbury Plain (Wiltshire), 60 km to the east (Jacobi in Fagnart and Thevenin 1997). This may also be the source of the flint found in the Devon caves, a minimum distance of 160 km, supporting the contention that Creswellian groups engaged in long-distance movements with correspondingly high residential mobility. The likelihood that Creswellian groups were not sedentary is strengthened by finds at Gough’s Cave of non-local sea shells and pieces of Baltic amber, the nearest known source of which is the North Sea coast. Similarly, comparison of individual artefacts from sites as far apart as Kent’s Cavern and Robin Hood Cave (Creswell Crags, Derbyshire) has shown such striking resemblances as to suppose that they were made by a single group (Jacobi in Barton et al. 1991). If this is correct, it could give an approximation of the potential size and geography of the annual range exploited by these people. Interestingly, observations concerning the procurement of non-local rocks for tool making closely match patterns recorded in the continental Late Magdalenian (Arts and Deeben 1987), where long-distance movements of materials have been correlated with greater mobility of huntergatherer groups. Amongst various explanations put forward is that raw materials were either exchanged between groups from different territories or that expeditions were deliberately mounted to obtain them. The high quality of much of the raw material at sites in the Central Rhineland suggests the latter as the more likely explanation (Street in Fagnart and Thevenin 1997). Thus the distribution and use of raw materials in the Creswellian tends to suggest an activity radius of well over 100 km. In such instances, the reduction of nodules into more manageable blade forms would make sense as an economizing measure designed to reduce weight of pieces carried into a more manageable form. The transportability of these toolkits is further emphasized by the fact that the imported implements may show signs of especially heavy use and resharpening. Seasonality and subsistence Evidence linking the exploitation of mammal faunas and human activity is preserved in the form of cut-marks on and other modification to bones, antler and ivory found at Creswellian sites. Species known to have been exploited for meat, raw materials and artefacts included wild horse (Equus ferus), red deer (Cervus elaphus), arctic hare (Lepus timidus), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus), mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius), Saiga antelope (Saiga tatarica), wild cattle (Bos primigenius), brown bear (Ursus arctos) and lynx (Lynx lynx). To this list can probably be added arctic fox (Alopex lagopus), red fox (Vulpes vulpes) and wolf (Canis lupus), although no cut-marks have yet been recorded on Lateglacial bone specimens. The food species dominantly represented at Creswellian sites is the wild horse. Although wild horses are now extinct, behavioural studies on semi-feral populations in Mongolia reveal that they live in small herds and move constantly between grazing grounds. Today they are adapted to dry, open grassland habitats, but the main restriction on their distribution is the availability of drinking water. The only limitation to their ceaseless mobility is when young foals are present
• 20 • Nicholas Barton during the spring and early summer. From April to late June, the herds may be highly vulnerable to attack because of frequent resting leaving the tell-tale accumulation of piles of dung in these places. The habits of travelling in single file and of mares deliberately isolating themselves during foaling might have made them equally susceptible to human predation. It is clear that Creswellian groups were highly adept in exploiting wild horses, and evidence of successful hunting in all seasons is indicated by the age profiles of the animals. Evidence that horse was killed for meat is well documented at Gough’s Cave (Parkin et al. 1986). Skeletal elements of the head and limb extremities recorded near the entrance of the cave are heavily cut-marked, showing that carcasses were probably dismembered and butchered there with the use of flint knives. Further into the cave, long bone flakes and rib fragments imply different activities, perhaps connected with the smashing and cooking of bone to extract marrow juice and fat. The very thorough method of butchery and filleting suggests that the occupants of the cave were well used to dealing with horse. Once the meat was stripped from the bone, it is apparent that many elements such as the jaws were fractured longitudinally for marrow extraction purposes. Normally meat-poor elements like the head were carefully dissected to remove the brain and the tongue, which may have been considered great delicacies! The stripping-down of the animals also included the removal of the tendons at the back of the legs (for sinew) and of the hooves (possibly for reducing to glue). The other numerically common species represented in the Gough’s Cave fauna are red deer, which seem to have been treated in much the same way as horses, with cut-marks and breakages in identical places on many bones. Opportunities for hunting both these species appear to have been helped by the topography of the gorge, which beyond the cave becomes a narrow winding canyon suitable for driving or corralling animals. Dental evidence provides contradictory indications of the seasonal use of the cave: deer tooth eruption patterns suggest occupation in winter or early spring, whereas incremental banding visible on both deer and wild horse teeth implies that some animals were killed in summer. It thus seems possible that selective hunting took place at various times of year. Apart from these two large vertebrates, smaller mammals such as the arctic hare were exploited, but probably less for their lean meat than for their pelts and bones as resources for tool making. Bone awls made on hare tibias have been found at a number of Creswellian locations throughout the country (Table 2.2), including Gough’s Cave. At Robin Hood Cave, the particularly high numbers of cut-marked hare bones have led to the suggestion that the animals were being processed for their thick winter pelts (Charles and Jacobi 1994). The use of reindeer bone and mammoth ivory is also attested in the Lateglacial of western and central-midland Britain. It is not known whether either of these animals formed part of the contemporary local fauna. At Gough’s Cave, three reindeer antler batons have been recovered (Figure 2.4). Spiral grooving inside Figure 2.4 Reindeer baton from Gough’s Cave (Cheddar Gorge, Somerset). Source: Courtesy of the Natural History Museum the pierced holes may indicate a special function linked with
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• 20 • Nicholas Barton<br />
during the spring and early summer. From April to late June, the herds may be highly vulnerable<br />
to attack be<strong>ca</strong>use <strong>of</strong> frequent resting leaving the tell-tale accumulation <strong>of</strong> piles <strong>of</strong> dung in these<br />
places. <strong>The</strong> habits <strong>of</strong> travelling in single file and <strong>of</strong> mares deliberately isolating themselves during<br />
foaling might have made them equally susceptible to human predation. It is clear that Creswellian<br />
groups were highly adept in exploiting wild horses, and evidence <strong>of</strong> successful hunting in all<br />
seasons is indi<strong>ca</strong>ted by the age pr<strong>of</strong>iles <strong>of</strong> the animals.<br />
Evidence that horse was killed for meat is well documented at Gough’s Cave (Parkin et al.<br />
1986). Skeletal elements <strong>of</strong> the head and limb extremities recorded near the entrance <strong>of</strong> the <strong>ca</strong>ve<br />
are heavily cut-marked, showing that <strong>ca</strong>r<strong>ca</strong>sses were probably dismembered and butchered there<br />
with the use <strong>of</strong> flint knives. Further into the <strong>ca</strong>ve, long bone flakes and rib fragments imply<br />
different activities, perhaps connected with the smashing and cooking <strong>of</strong> bone to extract marrow<br />
juice and fat. <strong>The</strong> very thorough method <strong>of</strong> butchery and filleting suggests that the occupants <strong>of</strong><br />
the <strong>ca</strong>ve were well used to dealing with horse. Once the meat was stripped <strong>from</strong> the bone, it is<br />
apparent that many elements such as the jaws were fractured longitudinally for marrow extraction<br />
purposes. Normally meat-poor elements like the head were <strong>ca</strong>refully dissected to remove the<br />
brain and the tongue, which may have been considered great deli<strong>ca</strong>cies! <strong>The</strong> stripping-down <strong>of</strong><br />
the animals also included the removal <strong>of</strong> the tendons at the back <strong>of</strong> the legs (for sinew) and <strong>of</strong><br />
the hooves (possibly for reducing to glue).<br />
<strong>The</strong> other numeri<strong>ca</strong>lly common species represented in the Gough’s Cave fauna are red deer,<br />
which seem to have been treated in much the same way as horses, with cut-marks and breakages<br />
in identi<strong>ca</strong>l places on many bones. Opportunities for hunting both these species appear to have<br />
been helped by the topography <strong>of</strong> the gorge, which beyond the <strong>ca</strong>ve becomes a narrow winding<br />
<strong>ca</strong>nyon suitable for driving or corralling animals. Dental evidence provides contradictory indi<strong>ca</strong>tions<br />
<strong>of</strong> the seasonal use <strong>of</strong> the <strong>ca</strong>ve: deer tooth eruption patterns suggest occupation in winter or<br />
early spring, whereas incremental banding visible on both deer and wild horse teeth implies that<br />
some animals were killed in summer. It thus seems possible that selective hunting took place at<br />
various times <strong>of</strong> year.<br />
Apart <strong>from</strong> these two large vertebrates, smaller mammals such as the arctic hare were exploited,<br />
but probably less for their lean meat than for their pelts and bones as resources for tool making.<br />
Bone awls made on hare tibias have been found at a number <strong>of</strong> Creswellian lo<strong>ca</strong>tions throughout<br />
the country (Table 2.2), including Gough’s Cave. At Robin Hood Cave, the particularly high<br />
numbers <strong>of</strong> cut-marked hare<br />
bones have led to the suggestion<br />
that the animals were being<br />
processed for their thick winter<br />
pelts (Charles and Jacobi 1994).<br />
<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> reindeer bone and<br />
mammoth ivory is also attested in<br />
the Lateglacial <strong>of</strong> western and<br />
central-midland <strong>Britain</strong>. It is not<br />
known whether either <strong>of</strong> these<br />
animals formed part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
contemporary lo<strong>ca</strong>l fauna. At<br />
Gough’s Cave, three reindeer<br />
antler batons have been recovered<br />
(Figure 2.4). Spiral grooving inside<br />
Figure 2.4 Reindeer baton <strong>from</strong> Gough’s Cave (Cheddar Gorge, Somerset).<br />
Source: Courtesy <strong>of</strong> the Natural History Museum<br />
the pierced holes may indi<strong>ca</strong>te a<br />
special function linked with