The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
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<strong>The</strong> Lateglacial colonization <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong><br />
• 19 •<br />
<strong>The</strong> use <strong>of</strong> imported flint is nowhere more apparent than in western <strong>Britain</strong>, where instances<br />
<strong>of</strong> geologi<strong>ca</strong>lly in situ sources <strong>of</strong> flint are rare. Finds <strong>from</strong> Kent’s Cavern and Three Holes Cave<br />
(Devon) include well-made flint blades and tools on long blade blanks. Signifi<strong>ca</strong>ntly, although<br />
good flint sources are available at Beer (Devon), the only lo<strong>ca</strong>l material employed at Three Holes<br />
Cave seems to have been Greensand chert, which occurs at the site almost exclusively in the form<br />
<strong>of</strong> retouched tools (Barton and Roberts 1996). <strong>The</strong> low quantities <strong>of</strong> flint debitage with corti<strong>ca</strong>tion<br />
and primary blade waste recorded at both sites further implies that many <strong>of</strong> the tools and blades<br />
were imported as finished items rather than being knapped on the spot. A similar situation has<br />
also been described for Gough’s Cave (Somerset), where translucent flints appear to have been<br />
<strong>ca</strong>rried in <strong>from</strong> sources no nearer than the Vale <strong>of</strong> Pewsey, on the northern edge <strong>of</strong> Salisbury<br />
Plain (Wiltshire), 60 km to the east (Jacobi in Fagnart and <strong>The</strong>venin 1997). This may also be the<br />
source <strong>of</strong> the flint found in the Devon <strong>ca</strong>ves, a minimum distance <strong>of</strong> 160 km, supporting the<br />
contention that Creswellian groups engaged in long-distance movements with correspondingly<br />
high residential mobility.<br />
<strong>The</strong> likelihood that Creswellian groups were not sedentary is strengthened by finds at Gough’s<br />
Cave <strong>of</strong> non-lo<strong>ca</strong>l sea shells and pieces <strong>of</strong> Baltic amber, the nearest known source <strong>of</strong> which is the<br />
North Sea coast. Similarly, comparison <strong>of</strong> individual artefacts <strong>from</strong> sites as far apart as Kent’s<br />
Cavern and Robin Hood Cave (Creswell Crags, Derbyshire) has shown such striking resemblances<br />
as to suppose that they were made by a single group (Jacobi in Barton et al. 1991). If this is<br />
correct, it could give an approximation <strong>of</strong> the potential size and geography <strong>of</strong> the annual range<br />
exploited by these people.<br />
Interestingly, observations concerning the procurement <strong>of</strong> non-lo<strong>ca</strong>l rocks for tool making<br />
closely match patterns recorded in the continental Late Magdalenian (Arts and Deeben 1987),<br />
where long-distance movements <strong>of</strong> materials have been correlated with greater mobility <strong>of</strong> huntergatherer<br />
groups. Amongst various explanations put forward is that raw materials were either<br />
exchanged between groups <strong>from</strong> different territories or that expeditions were deliberately mounted<br />
to obtain them. <strong>The</strong> high quality <strong>of</strong> much <strong>of</strong> the raw material at sites in the Central Rhineland<br />
suggests the latter as the more likely explanation (Street in Fagnart and <strong>The</strong>venin 1997).<br />
Thus the distribution and use <strong>of</strong> raw materials in the Creswellian tends to suggest an activity<br />
radius <strong>of</strong> well over 100 km. In such instances, the reduction <strong>of</strong> nodules into more manageable<br />
blade forms would make sense as an economizing measure designed to reduce weight <strong>of</strong> pieces<br />
<strong>ca</strong>rried into a more manageable form. <strong>The</strong> transportability <strong>of</strong> these toolkits is further emphasized<br />
by the fact that the imported implements may show signs <strong>of</strong> especially heavy use and resharpening.<br />
Seasonality and subsistence<br />
Evidence linking the exploitation <strong>of</strong> mammal faunas and human activity is preserved in the form<br />
<strong>of</strong> cut-marks on and other modifi<strong>ca</strong>tion to bones, antler and ivory found at Creswellian sites.<br />
Species known to have been exploited for meat, raw materials and artefacts included wild horse<br />
(Equus ferus), red deer (Cervus elaphus), arctic hare (Lepus timidus), reindeer (Rangifer tarandus),<br />
mammoth (Mammuthus primigenius), Saiga antelope (Saiga tatari<strong>ca</strong>), wild <strong>ca</strong>ttle (Bos primigenius), brown<br />
bear (Ursus arctos) and lynx (Lynx lynx). To this list <strong>ca</strong>n probably be added arctic fox (Alopex<br />
lagopus), red fox (Vulpes vulpes) and wolf (Canis lupus), although no cut-marks have yet been recorded<br />
on Lateglacial bone specimens.<br />
<strong>The</strong> food species dominantly represented at Creswellian sites is the wild horse. Although wild<br />
horses are now extinct, behavioural studies on semi-feral populations in Mongolia reveal that<br />
they live in small herds and move constantly between grazing grounds. Today they are adapted to<br />
dry, open grassland habitats, but the main restriction on their distribution is the availability <strong>of</strong><br />
drinking water. <strong>The</strong> only limitation to their ceaseless mobility is when young foals are present