The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The past in the present • 301 • • Fragile and vulnerable: archaeological remains are easily toppled and broken, buried remains can be segmented or the environments that surround them inadvertently changed. • Integrity is consequent upon completeness of survival: the value of the resource lies partly in our ability to interpret it and read it. Legibility is therefore important and the more complete the surviving pieces the more that can be done with them. • Each element has spatial, temporal and socially determined relationships with other elements. The material that comprises the resource was created as part of a set of social processes that were not confined to single sites or places. • Attributed meaning: archaeological objects do not have inherent meaning; people and society give them meaning. • As a whole what is represented is a unique record of human achievement over the whole duration of human existence. Within these common characteristics, it is recognized that three main kinds of archaeological deposits and situations can be identified, partly as a result of conditions of survival and partly because of the intrinsic nature of the material itself. These provide useful pragmatic categories for dealing with remains: • Single monuments: the most familiar items that archaeologists are concerned with, including relatively discrete structures such as round barrows, long barrows, Roman villas, deserted villages, mines or glasshouses. • Urban deposits: composite deposits created in heavily occupied areas from Roman times through to the present day. Especially important is the way in which they build up within a restricted area and become reworked over and over again. • Relict landscapes: potentially the most important kind of data for archaeology, especially for earlier periods, relict landscapes comprise groups of related monuments and structures bound together as though in some form of articulation (natural or man-made), even though the archaeological deposits may not themselves be continuous. One major problem with all three forms is the extent to which we know what we have. No one is ever able to see the complete picture, and there is no way of really knowing how much archaeology there is to find. For this reason, the resource has to be conceptualized and quantified in a carefully structured way. Figure 17.2 shows a diagram representing the main elements. The outer box represents what, within any particular definition of archaeology, there is to know about the ‘original resource’. Part of that material is recorded in various ways. Britain is very fortunate to have numerous and long-standing lists and inventories of ancient monuments held at national and local level by government agencies and local Figure 17.2 Diagram showing the main components of the archaeological resource.
• 302 • Timothy Darvill authorities (Larsen 1992). This can be referred to as the ‘recorded resource’. In England, for example, the recorded resource is currently estimated at about 900,000 items, including stray finds, place-name records, and many other relatively ephemeral pieces of information. About 600,000 items refer to what could be called archaeological monuments of one sort or another: sites and structures (including ancient buildings) that contain archaeological deposits (Darvill and Fulton 1998). Part of the original resource and the recorded resource remains extant and is therefore able to be investigated or looked at. That part of the original resource that is extant but not yet recorded is the target for surveys and studies whose objectives involve the discovery of new sites. That part of the original resource that has been destroyed but was recorded before being lost is now known only through the records themselves, which range in quality from the very comprehensive to the almost incomprehensible. The resource destroyed without record will never be known about and is now completely lost. In large measure, how we see the archaeological resource and how it will expand in future, comes down to its importance and how it is valued by society today. WHY DO WE VALUE THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS? Importance and value are two rather different things. The former applies differentially to particular elements of the archaeological resource, in the sense that some things are regarded as more important than others. In determining whether remains are of sufficient importance to merit designation under the prevailing national legislation (see below), remains are judged against the following criteria: survival/condition, period, rarity, fragility/vulnerability, diversity, documentation, group value and potential, which can be systematically applied (Darvill et al. 1987). More general measures of importance have also been suggested, for example the idea of ‘legibility’ in the case of urban deposits (Carver 1996). Value, however, is rather different as it relates to broad, socially defined perceptions of what is good, right and acceptable (Darvill 1995). It applies not so much to individual sites or monuments, but rather to the resource as a whole. In Britain, a series of value-sets relating to archaeological remains can be seen developing from medieval times onwards, but in present-day society there are three main value systems, or value gradients as they are sometimes known: use value, option value and existence value. The following subsections look briefly at each in turn. Figure 17.3 Visitors at Stonehenge, Wiltshire. Source: Timothy Darvill Use value This system is based upon the fact that demands are placed upon the archaeological resource by contemporary society. The values are based on consumption, even though the act of consumption is also creative. Society’s ability to use the archaeological resource depends on two things, both contributed by
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• 302 • Timothy Darvill<br />
authorities (Larsen 1992). This <strong>ca</strong>n be referred to as the ‘recorded resource’. In England, for<br />
example, the recorded resource is currently estimated at about 900,000 items, including stray<br />
finds, place-name records, and many other relatively ephemeral pieces <strong>of</strong> information. About<br />
600,000 items refer to what could be <strong>ca</strong>lled archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l monuments <strong>of</strong> one sort or another:<br />
sites and structures (including ancient buildings) that contain archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l deposits (Darvill<br />
and Fulton 1998).<br />
Part <strong>of</strong> the original resource and the recorded resource remains extant and is therefore able to<br />
be investigated or looked at. That part <strong>of</strong> the original resource that is extant but not yet recorded<br />
is the target for surveys and studies whose objectives involve the discovery <strong>of</strong> new sites. That<br />
part <strong>of</strong> the original resource that has been destroyed but was recorded before being lost is now<br />
known only through the records themselves, which range in quality <strong>from</strong> the very comprehensive<br />
to the almost incomprehensible. <strong>The</strong> resource destroyed without record will never be known<br />
about and is now completely lost. In large measure, how we see the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l resource and<br />
how it will expand in future, comes down to its importance and how it is valued by society today.<br />
WHY DO WE VALUE THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL REMAINS?<br />
Importance and value are two rather different things. <strong>The</strong> former applies differentially to particular<br />
elements <strong>of</strong> the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l resource, in the sense that some things are regarded as more<br />
important than others. In determining whether remains are <strong>of</strong> sufficient importance to merit<br />
designation under the prevailing national legislation (see below), remains are judged against the<br />
following criteria: survival/condition, period, rarity, fragility/vulnerability, diversity, documentation,<br />
group value and potential, which <strong>ca</strong>n be systemati<strong>ca</strong>lly applied (Darvill et al. 1987). More general<br />
measures <strong>of</strong> importance have also been suggested, for example the idea <strong>of</strong> ‘legibility’ in the <strong>ca</strong>se<br />
<strong>of</strong> urban deposits (Carver 1996).<br />
Value, however, is rather different as it relates to broad, socially defined perceptions <strong>of</strong> what<br />
is good, right and acceptable (Darvill 1995). It applies not so much to individual sites or monuments,<br />
but rather to the resource as a whole. In <strong>Britain</strong>, a series <strong>of</strong> value-sets relating to archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l<br />
remains <strong>ca</strong>n be seen developing<br />
<strong>from</strong> medieval times onwards, but<br />
in present-day society there are three<br />
main value systems, or value<br />
gradients as they are sometimes<br />
known: use value, option value and<br />
existence value. <strong>The</strong> following subsections<br />
look briefly at each in turn.<br />
Figure 17.3 Visitors at Stonehenge, Wiltshire.<br />
Source: Timothy Darvill<br />
Use value<br />
This system is based upon the fact<br />
that demands are placed upon the<br />
archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l resource by<br />
contemporary society. <strong>The</strong> values<br />
are based on consumption, even<br />
though the act <strong>of</strong> consumption is<br />
also creative. Society’s ability to use<br />
the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l resource depends<br />
on two things, both contributed by