The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The industrial revolution • 281 • porcelain and the introduction of the rotative engine. Many of these increased the gap between what could be achieved mechanically and what could be achieved by an individual alone. The factory system replaced more traditional forms of working, as people were brought together into single workplaces. Towns grew as population moved from the countryside to work in the new factories, but also as the population itself increased. Real income per capita grew, as self-sufficiency diminished, and people relied more upon obtaining food and consumer goods from others. Britain sought and exploited new overseas markets throughout Europe, Africa, America and the Far East, becoming a major world trading power. Profits from this, and the notorious triangular trade between Britain, Africa and the Caribbean, provided capital for investment as well as new industrial opportunities for processing raw materials for re-export. London became the financial centre of the world, and capital was diverted into industrial enterprises. In Britain, the landscape was transformed by the pattern of enclosure and by massive increases in the exploitation of raw materials, leaving great scars across the countryside, whilst in towns, houses were built for the newly industrialized workforce, and factories, warehouses and other industrial buildings added whole new quarters to what had been small market towns. The focus of settlement moved from the south and east, to the north and Midlands, and the population grew, perhaps as a result of changing marriage patterns or more likely falling death rates due to improved health. Transport of goods and people became easier as the roads were turnpiked and straightened, the navigable reaches of rivers were linked by a network of canals, and the beginnings of the railway system were laid down (see Chapter 15). Accompanying all this physical change were alterations in the financial and political institutions of Britain, in the role of the State, the nature of capital and banking, and in the system of privileges and monopolies that had dominated trade. There is no single agreed date for either the beginning or the end of this process—the start of the process is variously placed in the mid-sixteenth century, in 1750 or in the early 1780s as the point at which statistical indicators move significantly upwards; at the other end there is even less agreement on whether one cuts off in 1802, marking the end of a major watershed, or extends the process through the nineteenth century when sectors such as brick-making were finally mechanized. Interpretative models of the industrial revolution The following is a sweeping and fairly conventional version of a complex process. Historians have many different views on why this transformation took place, and indeed whether it was quite such a transformation as the history books might suggest (Hudson 1992). Early nineteenth-century observers were aware of the way in which society was changing; whilst some were impressed by the ingenious machinery and the personalities of the great inventors, others were worried by working-class organization and the atmosphere of distrust between workers and capitalists that had grown out of the appalling conditions accompanying industrialization. The idea of a ‘revolution’ came from French writers at the end of the eighteenth century, who themselves had seen extraordinary changes in their own society, and was perhaps best formalized in English history by Arnold Toynbee in his Lectures on the Industrial Revolution in 1884, outlining the basic model of economic transformation set out above. This interpretation was questioned during the 1930s, when writers such as J.U. Nef, looking at the coal industry, saw a more evolutionary process at work, recognizing that it was necessary to look back into the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in order to understand the changes of the eighteenth. Coal was already replacing wood as fuel in a range of manufactures in the sixteenth century, and the transport systems, mining techniques and capital formation that accompanied the growth in coal production were essential preconditions for later industrialization. Others
• 282 • Kate Clark writing during the Depression saw the industrial revolution as one wave in a pattern of economic cycles, whereas in the more optimistic 1950s, writers such as Rostow identified the preconditions for growth that he hoped might be applied to the economies of other developing nations. Against this view, others saw industrialization as something that was a product of exploitation, with Britain succeeding only at the expense of the economies of dependent states. Subsequently, dynamic entrepreneurs, technological innovation and capital formation have all been identified as prime movers in precipitating change. Underlying all of this was a search for the causes of the industrial revolution. In contrast with this approach, social historians have looked at small-scale, local changes, and feminists such as Maxine Berg have paid more attention to the role of domestic organization and women’s working patterns. In a period of industrial decline, more pessimistic historians have seen the industrial revolution as a ‘limited, restricted piecemeal phenomenon in which various things did not happen or where they did, they had far less effect than was previously supposed’, although the information revolution has brought a new fascination with the impact of technological change (Hudson 1992, 37). Historical geographers have borrowed heavily from social theory when looking at industrialization, moving from positivist, environmentally determinist approaches to structural and symbolic ones as they debate the role of humans versus environments in shaping industry (Grant 1987). What unites almost all of the traditional historical views of the period is the lack of reference to industrial archaeology or indeed, with the exception of some historical geographers, any adequate use of physical evidence for the period in general. INDUSTRIAL ARCHAEOLOGY Origins and development The origins of industrial archaeology lie in the nineteenth-century fascination with technology. The enthusiasm for travelling to industrial areas was shared between foreign spies seeking technical information, fellow industrialists, artists, writers and those seeking the curious and unusual. Many eighteenth-century writers left descriptions of the way in which the landscapes and towns of Britain were changing, the origins of the physical remains that they saw and the impact of the new industries on society. The Great Exhibition of 1851 celebrated the industrial achievements of some of Britain’s best known firms, and became a showcase for their products. Items were collected that represented outstanding contributions to the development of engineering and technology, such as early locomotives, and became the nucleus of museum collections which remain important, but neglected, sources for industrial archaeology. The founding of the Newcomen Society in 1919 provided a forum for the study of all aspects of technology, as well as creating a new awareness of the importance of industrial monuments and their conservation. Industrial archaeology as a branch of archaeology rather than a tradition of technical history dates only to the 1950s, however, when evening classes and local societies sprang up, devoted to the study of industrial remains. Those who took part in the classes often did fieldwork of their own, and one of the key themes in the work of this period is identification and cataloguing of sites. There are a good number of excellent regional and national accounts of industrial remains in Britain (e.g. Falconer 1980; Trinder 1994; the David and Charles regional industrial archaeology series, and the county guides published by the Association for Industrial Archaeology). National bodies such as Royal Commissions in England, Scotland and Wales have taken particular interest in recording industrial remains either regionally or thematically (e.g. Hay and Stell 1986;
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<strong>The</strong> industrial revolution<br />
• 281 •<br />
porcelain and the <strong>introduction</strong> <strong>of</strong> the rotative engine. Many <strong>of</strong> these increased the gap between<br />
what could be achieved mechani<strong>ca</strong>lly and what could be achieved by an individual alone. <strong>The</strong><br />
factory system replaced more traditional forms <strong>of</strong> working, as people were brought together into<br />
single workplaces. Towns grew as population moved <strong>from</strong> the countryside to work in the new<br />
factories, but also as the population itself increased. Real income per <strong>ca</strong>pita grew, as self-sufficiency<br />
diminished, and people relied more upon obtaining food and consumer goods <strong>from</strong> others.<br />
<strong>Britain</strong> sought and exploited new overseas markets throughout Europe, Afri<strong>ca</strong>, Ameri<strong>ca</strong> and<br />
the Far East, becoming a major world trading power. Pr<strong>of</strong>its <strong>from</strong> this, and the notorious triangular<br />
trade between <strong>Britain</strong>, Afri<strong>ca</strong> and the Caribbean, provided <strong>ca</strong>pital for investment as well as new<br />
industrial opportunities for processing raw materials for re-export. London be<strong>ca</strong>me the financial<br />
centre <strong>of</strong> the world, and <strong>ca</strong>pital was diverted into industrial enterprises.<br />
In <strong>Britain</strong>, the lands<strong>ca</strong>pe was transformed by the pattern <strong>of</strong> enclosure and by massive increases<br />
in the exploitation <strong>of</strong> raw materials, leaving great s<strong>ca</strong>rs across the countryside, whilst in towns,<br />
houses were built for the newly industrialized workforce, and factories, warehouses and other<br />
industrial buildings added whole new quarters to what had been small market towns. <strong>The</strong> focus<br />
<strong>of</strong> settlement moved <strong>from</strong> the south and east, to the north and Midlands, and the population<br />
grew, perhaps as a result <strong>of</strong> changing marriage patterns or more likely falling death rates due to<br />
improved health. Transport <strong>of</strong> goods and people be<strong>ca</strong>me easier as the roads were turnpiked and<br />
straightened, the navigable reaches <strong>of</strong> rivers were linked by a network <strong>of</strong> <strong>ca</strong>nals, and the beginnings<br />
<strong>of</strong> the railway system were laid down (see Chapter 15).<br />
Accompanying all this physi<strong>ca</strong>l change were alterations in the financial and politi<strong>ca</strong>l institutions<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong>, in the role <strong>of</strong> the State, the nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>ca</strong>pital and banking, and in the system <strong>of</strong><br />
privileges and monopolies that had dominated trade.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is no single agreed date for either the beginning or the end <strong>of</strong> this process—the start <strong>of</strong><br />
the process is variously placed in the mid-sixteenth century, in 1750 or in the early 1780s as the<br />
point at which statisti<strong>ca</strong>l indi<strong>ca</strong>tors move signifi<strong>ca</strong>ntly upwards; at the other end there is even less<br />
agreement on whether one cuts <strong>of</strong>f in 1802, marking the end <strong>of</strong> a major watershed, or extends<br />
the process through the nineteenth century when sectors such as brick-making were finally<br />
mechanized.<br />
Interpretative models <strong>of</strong> the industrial revolution<br />
<strong>The</strong> following is a sweeping and fairly conventional version <strong>of</strong> a complex process. Historians<br />
have many different views on why this transformation took place, and indeed whether it was<br />
quite such a transformation as the history books might suggest (Hudson 1992).<br />
Early nineteenth-century observers were aware <strong>of</strong> the way in which society was changing;<br />
whilst some were impressed by the ingenious machinery and the personalities <strong>of</strong> the great<br />
inventors, others were worried by working-class organization and the atmosphere <strong>of</strong> distrust<br />
between workers and <strong>ca</strong>pitalists that had grown out <strong>of</strong> the appalling conditions accompanying<br />
industrialization. <strong>The</strong> idea <strong>of</strong> a ‘revolution’ <strong>ca</strong>me <strong>from</strong> French writers at the end <strong>of</strong> the eighteenth<br />
century, who themselves had seen extraordinary changes in their own society, and was perhaps<br />
best formalized in English history by Arnold Toynbee in his Lectures on the Industrial Revolution in<br />
1884, outlining the basic model <strong>of</strong> economic transformation set out above.<br />
This interpretation was questioned during the 1930s, when writers such as J.U. Nef, looking at<br />
the coal industry, saw a more evolutionary process at work, recognizing that it was necessary to<br />
look back into the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in order to understand the changes <strong>of</strong> the<br />
eighteenth. Coal was already replacing wood as fuel in a range <strong>of</strong> manufactures in the sixteenth<br />
century, and the transport systems, mining techniques and <strong>ca</strong>pital formation that accompanied<br />
the growth in coal production were essential preconditions for later industrialization. Others