The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
Middle Ages: rural settlement and manors • 257 • with uniform properties clearly laid to a predetermined plan to settlements that sprawl in disorder and where there has apparently never been a seigneurial or communal attempt to control the use of space. The main research exercise of the 1990s that centred on a single village and its territory was the Shapwick Project, set up in 1988 to examine a 1,284 ha parish in the centre of Somerset that runs up from the wetlands of the Somerset Levels to the Polden Hills 3 or 4 km away. The principal hypothesis that the Project set out to test was that the present village and its medieval open field system originated in the late Saxon period, and replaced an earlier pattern of dispersed farmsteads each with its own individual fields. As with the Wharram Project, with the last two years of which it overlapped, Shapwick has been a largely voluntary exercise conducted by academics including Mick Aston and Chris Gerrard assisted by large numbers of specialists, students and voluntary helpers. A wide range of techniques has been employed, some, like excavation, field walking (on a heroic scale), earthwork survey, documentary research, air photography and hedgerow dating, well established, others quite innovative, certainly in a British medieval context (see e.g. Selkirk 1997). Shovel pit testing—the sieving of samples of topsoil where the landscape is predominantly pasture for pottery, flints and other finds—has proved remarkably effective in locating sites. Also being tested in the mid-1990s was the possibility of locating aceramic settlements through geophysical and geochemical survey methods, including the identification of heavy metals in the soil. The continuing population growth seen in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries inevitably led to changes in the pattern of rural settlement. Individual properties were sub-divided, most frequently to accommodate sons unable to find or afford their own holdings or to accommodate retired parents from whom the holding had been taken over. The ‘newlands’ found in some village plans indicate that, presumably with the initiative or at least acquiescence of the lord, it was sometimes possible for a settlement to expand, although unless new arable land could be added to the village’s fields, the result would be a reduction in average farm size. Especially in areas of dispersed settlement, secondary or ‘daughter’ settlements were sometimes established in areas until then considered as of only marginal use. In the Fenlands of East Anglia, for instance, linear villages were established along drove roads, and comparable developments can be seen in the Somerset Levels wetlands. The most developed studies of dispersed and secondary settlements, however, have been those undertaken in ‘wood-pasture’ areas, such as those of the Weald of Kent and the West Midlands. At Hanbury, Worcestershire, much of the parish was farmed in the early Middle Ages from houses clustered around hamlets called ‘Ends’, such as Morweysend and Brookend, tenanted by customary tenants required to do labour services for the lord. However, in the two centuries after the Norman Conquest, a large acreage of woodland was felled in the parish —some 1,000 acres, an eighth of its total area, in the thirteenth century alone—and brought into cultivation. Many of the new cultivators, it has been argued, stood apart from the older inhabitants of Hanbury both in being freemen and in that they lived in ‘Green’ hamlets such as Gallows Green and Mere Green. For all this better understanding and more accurate description of settlement types, the most fundamental questions remain how, when and why villages emerged as perhaps the most quintessential (although not ubiquitous) element of the countryside. Archaeology has played a major part here, field walking being used to establish, for instance, the very dispersed nature of settlement in the mid-Saxon period, even within areas later dominated by nucleated villages, and thereby establishing a terminus post quem for village formation. Much of the most important work has been undertaken as a part of the Raunds Project, focused on a series of excavations in and around a small Northamptonshire town and the field survey of 40 km 2 of the surrounding area. The excavations have shown how in the early and middle Saxon periods, the settlement was
• 258 • Paul Stamper ‘open’ —without boundaries and apparently lacking planning (see also Chapter 10). A major change took place in the early tenth century, affecting all aspects of settlement, as rectilinear enclosures were laid out, probably (as at West Cotton nearby) to a standard width of 20 m, and a new building technique was adopted using foundation trenches. One of the new buildings was much longer (37 m) than the rest and has been identified as a manor house, another major addition to the settlement at this time being a church. In fact it now seems likely that the replanning extended beyond the villages to encompass the whole landscape, and that the bringing together of estates’ tenants from their previously dispersed farms and small hamlets into much larger settlements went hand-in-hand with the creation of new, integrated, arable land-holding patterns, the great open field systems of medieval England. OPEN FIELDS Across most of lowland medieval England, settlement land was divided up in such a way that while individuals grew and harvested their own crops, it was within a communal system. Each holding enjoyed, at least in theory, a fixed allocation of resources and rights: so much arable land, so much meadow, so many loads of wood, and so on. The most important feature of the system was that the whole of the settlement’s arable land was organized in a single rotation, with onethird or one-half left uncropped (fallow) each year. That fallow was used as communal grazing land, as was the remainder of the arable land once the crops were cut. This system is known variously as the three- or (if half the land was left untilled) two-course rotation, or the open-field system—the latter name because each of the ‘open’ fields would have been entirely without visible internal boundaries: a prairie to rival anything in modern Norfolk. Another feature of arable farming in the Middle Ages, certainly in areas of heavier soils, was the ploughing of lands into ridges of between 5 m and 15 m in width. In a period without underdrainage, this was a deliberate technique to raise as much soil as possible into a relatively dry raised bed (ridge), separated from the next by a furrow that helped drain it. The technique produced whole landscapes of ‘ridge and furrow’ that in many parts of the countryside remained intact until relatively recently, when EEC policies encouraged farmers to plough up land that had been down to grass since the end of the Middle Ages and, incidentally, to erase these most tangible remnants of the medieval countryside. The mapping of ridge and furrow, and comparison of those results with detailed surveys and field books compiled while the systems were in use, has done much to elucidate the origins and operation of the open fields. The most important work has been that of David Hall in Northamptonshire (Figure 14.6). This has shown how in the early Middle Ages, individuals’ allotments of strips fell in a regular cycle (in other words, in a village of 32 households, every thirty-second strip belonged to the same tenant), and that those cycles can be related to eleventhcentury fiscal returns. Another recent observation, made first in Yorkshire and later in the Midlands, is of evidence for what have been termed ‘long lands’. These are individual strips that run for up to 2,000 m, sometimes right across townships, through and underneath what can be deduced to be later sub-divisions of the arable land into furlongs. These ‘long lands’ appear to represent the first stage of the great replanning of the countryside c.900, and their discovery is very exciting. To what extent this replanning of the countryside, embracing the creation of new villages and the reordering and reapportioning of large parts of the farming landscape (further reflected in the proliferation of charters with boundary clauses), required lordly coercion, rather than peasant co-operation or initiative, is unknown, although in a more hierachical and frequently taxed society there may have been many advantages in a tenantry where each had an equal share of the resources and each the same obligations. Glenn Foard has gone so far as to suggest a precise context for the
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Middle Ages: rural settlement and manors<br />
• 257 •<br />
with uniform properties clearly laid to a predetermined plan to settlements that sprawl in disorder<br />
and where there has apparently never been a seigneurial or communal attempt to control the use<br />
<strong>of</strong> space.<br />
<strong>The</strong> main research exercise <strong>of</strong> the 1990s that centred on a single village and its territory was<br />
the Shapwick Project, set up in 1988 to examine a 1,284 ha parish in the centre <strong>of</strong> Somerset that<br />
runs up <strong>from</strong> the wetlands <strong>of</strong> the Somerset Levels to the Polden Hills 3 or 4 km away. <strong>The</strong><br />
principal hypothesis that the Project set out to test was that the present village and its medieval<br />
open field system originated in the late Saxon period, and replaced an earlier pattern <strong>of</strong> dispersed<br />
farmsteads each with its own individual fields. As with the Wharram Project, with the last two<br />
years <strong>of</strong> which it overlapped, Shapwick has been a largely voluntary exercise conducted by<br />
a<strong>ca</strong>demics including Mick Aston and Chris Gerrard assisted by large numbers <strong>of</strong> specialists,<br />
students and voluntary helpers. A wide range <strong>of</strong> techniques has been employed, some, like<br />
ex<strong>ca</strong>vation, field walking (on a heroic s<strong>ca</strong>le), earthwork survey, documentary research, air<br />
photography and hedgerow dating, well established, others quite innovative, certainly in a British<br />
medieval context (see e.g. Selkirk 1997). Shovel pit testing—the sieving <strong>of</strong> samples <strong>of</strong> topsoil<br />
where the lands<strong>ca</strong>pe is predominantly pasture for pottery, flints and other finds—has proved<br />
remarkably effective in lo<strong>ca</strong>ting sites. Also being tested in the mid-1990s was the possibility <strong>of</strong><br />
lo<strong>ca</strong>ting aceramic settlements through geophysi<strong>ca</strong>l and geochemi<strong>ca</strong>l survey methods, including<br />
the identifi<strong>ca</strong>tion <strong>of</strong> heavy metals in the soil.<br />
<strong>The</strong> continuing population growth seen in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries inevitably led<br />
to changes in the pattern <strong>of</strong> rural settlement. Individual properties were sub-divided, most<br />
frequently to accommodate sons unable to find or afford their own holdings or to accommodate<br />
retired parents <strong>from</strong> whom the holding had been taken over. <strong>The</strong> ‘newlands’ found in some<br />
village plans indi<strong>ca</strong>te that, presumably with the initiative or at least acquiescence <strong>of</strong> the lord, it<br />
was sometimes possible for a settlement to expand, although unless new arable land could be<br />
added to the village’s fields, the result would be a reduction in average farm size. Especially in<br />
areas <strong>of</strong> dispersed settlement, secondary or ‘daughter’ settlements were sometimes established in<br />
areas until then considered as <strong>of</strong> only marginal use. In the Fenlands <strong>of</strong> East <strong>An</strong>glia, for instance,<br />
linear villages were established along drove roads, and comparable developments <strong>ca</strong>n be seen in<br />
the Somerset Levels wetlands. <strong>The</strong> most developed studies <strong>of</strong> dispersed and secondary settlements,<br />
however, have been those undertaken in ‘wood-pasture’ areas, such as those <strong>of</strong> the Weald <strong>of</strong><br />
Kent and the West Midlands. At Hanbury, Worcestershire, much <strong>of</strong> the parish was farmed in the<br />
early Middle Ages <strong>from</strong> houses clustered around hamlets <strong>ca</strong>lled ‘Ends’, such as Morweysend and<br />
Brookend, tenanted by customary tenants required to do labour services for the lord. However,<br />
in the two centuries after the Norman Conquest, a large acreage <strong>of</strong> woodland was felled in the<br />
parish —some 1,000 acres, an eighth <strong>of</strong> its total area, in the thirteenth century alone—and brought<br />
into cultivation. Many <strong>of</strong> the new cultivators, it has been argued, stood apart <strong>from</strong> the older<br />
inhabitants <strong>of</strong> Hanbury both in being freemen and in that they lived in ‘Green’ hamlets such as<br />
Gallows Green and Mere Green.<br />
For all this better understanding and more accurate description <strong>of</strong> settlement types, the most<br />
fundamental questions remain how, when and why villages emerged as perhaps the most<br />
quintessential (although not ubiquitous) element <strong>of</strong> the countryside. <strong>Archaeology</strong> has played a<br />
major part here, field walking being used to establish, for instance, the very dispersed nature <strong>of</strong><br />
settlement in the mid-Saxon period, even within areas later dominated by nucleated villages, and<br />
thereby establishing a terminus post quem for village formation. Much <strong>of</strong> the most important work<br />
has been undertaken as a part <strong>of</strong> the Raunds Project, focused on a series <strong>of</strong> ex<strong>ca</strong>vations in and<br />
around a small Northamptonshire town and the field survey <strong>of</strong> 40 km 2 <strong>of</strong> the surrounding area.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ex<strong>ca</strong>vations have shown how in the early and middle Saxon periods, the settlement was