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The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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• 256 • Paul Stamper<br />

<strong>ca</strong>rpenters. Each explanation relies on (and demands) a different explanation <strong>of</strong> the medieval<br />

economy and society; in the last <strong>ca</strong>se, for instance, that a specialized, market economy had<br />

filtered down to the base <strong>of</strong> rural society, and that there was sufficient money in circulation to<br />

support a range <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>essional specialists. <strong>An</strong>other common theme, picked up by Wrathmell<br />

(1989), appears to be the movement <strong>of</strong> the main hearth in the late Middle Ages <strong>from</strong> the<br />

centre <strong>of</strong> the living room to against the cross passage wall. This was presumably to allow a<br />

firehood to be installed, although for what ultimate pupose is as yet unknown; whether it was<br />

to improve the living environment within the house by creating a fire with better (and safer)<br />

‘draw’, or whether it was to allow the space above the living room to be converted into a l<strong>of</strong>t.<br />

At Caldecotte, Hertfordshire, the next and final stage in the process was observed, with the<br />

insertion <strong>of</strong> wall chimneys before the settlement was deserted in the sixteenth century. It may<br />

also be the <strong>ca</strong>se that in the later Middle Ages the standard <strong>of</strong> fittings and fixtures improved,<br />

and at both Wharram and West Whelpington, lead-<strong>ca</strong>med glass windows began to appear in<br />

the fifteenth century (Wrathmell 1989, 257).<br />

One other development noted on a wide range <strong>of</strong> sites is the appearance <strong>of</strong> better defined<br />

boundaries in the early Middle Ages. Hatch, near Basingstoke, Hampshire, was an ‘open’ settlement<br />

in the late Saxon period, largely without internal boundaries between properties, and remained so<br />

until the twelfth century when ditches were dug to define the individual tenements. In a review<br />

<strong>of</strong> the evidence that demonstrated how widespread this trend towards ever more clearly defined<br />

boundaries was, especially in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, Astill remarked that ‘in<br />

chalk areas the t<strong>of</strong>ts must have resembled stockades’ and in general that ‘<strong>The</strong> impression is that<br />

walking down the village street it would have been difficult to see in to the individual t<strong>of</strong>ts, for<br />

most <strong>of</strong> the banks, walls or hedges would have been at head height’ (1988, 52–53). This clearer<br />

definition <strong>of</strong> individual ownership in villages mirrored developments in the wider countryside, as<br />

the rising population increased pressure on resources <strong>of</strong> all kinds. Woods, moors and heaths that<br />

had previously been intercommoned, available for use by all the surrounding communities, <strong>ca</strong>me<br />

to be physi<strong>ca</strong>lly apportioned between them. Ditches and walls, or in woods linear clearings <strong>ca</strong>lled<br />

trenches, were created to mark these new boundaries in what in many parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> marked the<br />

last chapter in the allo<strong>ca</strong>tion <strong>of</strong> the countryside into precisely defined territories.<br />

Thus while it is possible to identify common themes in the vernacular buildings <strong>of</strong> medieval<br />

<strong>Britain</strong>, what emerges instead is an impression <strong>of</strong> great variety. Lo<strong>ca</strong>l, vernacular building styles,<br />

such as that identified by Austin in south-west England (Austin 1985), may have been just as<br />

marked in the early and high Middle Ages (the eleventh to later fourteenth centuries) as later.<br />

Those variations presumably reflect the availability (or otherwise) <strong>of</strong> lo<strong>ca</strong>l building materials and<br />

skilled <strong>ca</strong>rpenters, changing farming systems and differing levels <strong>of</strong> wealth and social status as<br />

well as innate lo<strong>ca</strong>l traditions.<br />

As well as investigating variety in the plan and form <strong>of</strong> individual houses, archaeologists and<br />

geographers have also studied the settlements <strong>of</strong> which they formed a part. Here the work <strong>of</strong><br />

Brian Roberts has been especially influential, and has now expanded <strong>from</strong> early work in the<br />

north-east to encompass all <strong>of</strong> England, for instance in an ambitious attempt to define for the<br />

whole <strong>of</strong> England discrete areas <strong>of</strong> rural settlement types defined in a hierachy <strong>of</strong> Settlement<br />

Provinces, Sub-Provinces and Lo<strong>ca</strong>l Regions (Roberts 1987). Almost equally ambitious has been an<br />

attempt to map village types in the East Midlands and to investigate their relationship both to<br />

natural factors, such as soil type, and to historic ones, such as the influence <strong>of</strong> the S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian<br />

settlements (Lewis et al. 1997). <strong>The</strong> principal classifi<strong>ca</strong>tory division that is usually applied is between<br />

nucleated and dispersed settlements, that is between, on the one hand, lands<strong>ca</strong>pes <strong>of</strong> villages and<br />

large hamlets and, on the other, those <strong>of</strong> s<strong>ca</strong>ttered hamlets and farmsteads. Within each broad<br />

group there are many variants in plan form, which range over the whole s<strong>ca</strong>le <strong>from</strong> large villages

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