The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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Middle Ages: rural settlement and manors • 251 • The defining moment in medieval rural archaeology came in 1952 when a Cambridge postgraduate, John Hurst, precociously engaged in the study of medieval pottery, visited one of Beresford’s excavations, at Wharram Percy, deep in the high chalk landscape of the east Yorkshire Wolds (Beresford and Hurst 1990). Appalled by the historians’ trenching, Hurst agreed to take over responsibility for the excavations, thus unwittingly launching not only one of the most celebrated partnerships of post-war archaeology but also what, over the whole course of its 40- year existence, was undoubtedly one of the most influential all-round projects in European archaeology. During that time, the project was the archaeological flagship of the Deserted Medieval Settlement Research Group, founded in the latter part of 1952, which was later to change its name as perceptions altered and interests broadened to the Medieval Village Research Group in 1971 and to the Medieval Settlement Research Group in 1986. As excavations proper commenced at Wharram in 1953, Hurst abandoned the then ‘industry standard’ method made famous by Sir Mortimer Wheeler of digging a regular chequerboard of trenches separated by broad baulks whose sections recorded the vertical stratigraphy. Instead, and for the first time on a British medieval site, the technique of open-area excavation was adopted and the whole area of House 10 was opened up at once. Its excavation occupied summer seasons throughout the 1950s, as did a similar campaign on House 6 in the 1960s. The archaeology of both sites was complex, and its interpretation has changed radically over the years. That in itself is testimony to another innovation at Wharram, of meticulous recording: stone-by-stone planning, and the noting of the position of every find, even pottery, in three dimensions. When the turf and the shattered chalk destruction rubble was removed and picked apart, what was exposed was apparently not the single-phase 30-m long buildings that the earthworks had suggested but short, misaligned lengths of walling interpreted as evidence of the frequent rebuilding of what must therefore have been structurally flimsy buildings. Only in the 1980s, and following detailed work on the area’s vernacular architecture, was Stuart Wrathmell able to reinterpret the same evidence, and to demonstrate that these had been cruck-framed houses, sturdy and long lived, standing for perhaps two centuries (Figure 14.2). What the excavators had found were the short lengths of walling between each timber cruck, walls that had no structural function (the roof being supported by the cruck frames), and which were replaced piecemeal as needs be. The study of vernacular architecture—that is of ordinary houses and cottages constructed from locally available materials using traditional building techniques—has made a massive impact in general on the study of medieval housing, especially now that dendrochronology has supplied large numbers of precise dates. In Kent, for instance, admittedly a county where the tradition of timber-framed building was strong, it is now reckoned that there remain some 2,500 open-hall houses of late thirteenth- to late sixteenth-century date, most post-dating 1370, when rebuilding began with a vengeance after a 30-year gap following the Black Death. The sheer number strongly indicates that these represent not atypical structures, the survival of which can be explained by the use of exceptional materials or techniques, but the perfectly ordinary farmhouses of an emerging late medieval sub-gentry class (Pearson 1994). Documentary research has also played a part in advancing our understanding of peasant building, for although references to structural details are relatively infrequent, when collected together on a regional basis, significant patterns can emerge. In the West Midlands, for instance, the historical evidence has enabled Dyer (1986) to characterize late medieval houses as well-carpented, of two or three bays, erected around cruck principals and founded on low stone plinth walls. It is now clear that in many parts of the country the late medieval peasantry was living in well-built houses, many of which have survived to this day. Returning to archaeology, from the mid-1960s, open-area excavation began on villages other than Wharram, both of single plots (‘tofts’) and more extensively (for a review and references see

• 252 • Paul Stamper Astill 1988). Partly by design, and partly through the accidental pressures of rescue work, these were in many different parts of the country, and most usefully in areas with very different geophysical characteristics. Longhouses— structures with one or more living rooms, separated from a byre for animals by a cross-passage —were long thought to be the ubiquitous peasant house type, and certainly they were more widespread in the Middle Ages than later, when they came to be almost wholly associated with the upland farms of western and northern Britain. In lowland Britain, for instance, medieval examples have been found by excavation in Northamptonshire at Lyveden, in Gloucestershire at Upton, in Wiltshire at Gomeldon and in Sussex at Hangleton. Documentary evidence provides further occasional examples, for instance from Worcestershire, where in 1440 at Northfield a tenant agreed to build ‘a hall…and a chamber at the front end of the hall Figure 14.2 Daily life in a late medieval cruck-built longhouse of the type with a byre at the rear end’ (Dyer excavated at Wharram Percy. One or more rooms provided living 1986, 25). In upland Britain sites accommodation, the main room an open hall heated by an open fire on a include highland ‘fermtouns’, or central hearth. Lofts may have provided storage space, and perhaps a sleeping space for children. At the other end of the house, and divided from it by a hamlets (Figure 14.3), such as at Rosal cross-passage that ran between the house’s main doors, was a byre where in Sutherland and Lix in Perthshire, animals were stalled in the winter, and a central drain carrying slurry through where survey combined with a hole in the end wall. A screen along the cross-passage would normally have excavation identified a number of divided off the byre end. cruck-roofed long-houses (Yeoman Source: Beresford and Hurst 1990, 40. Drawing by Peter Dunn 1991). Hound Tor, Devon, a granitebuilt hamlet sited high (335 m) on Dartmoor, was abandoned in the fourteenth century. Here the settlement latterly comprised an irregular group of farms, each with a longhouse at its centre and with substantial grain-drying kilns among the associated structures. An equally inhospitable site was West Whelpington, Northumberland, sited on a dolerite outcrop 40 km north-west of Newcastle. This, however, was a large settlement, probably established as a planned village around a green c.1100, and in the later thirteenth century with as many as 35 bondage (servile) tenancies, each with an average of 20 acres of land and 2 acres of meadow. At that time, the houses were of a type described by the excavators as ‘proto-longhouses’, but after the village was burnt, probably by the Scots in the wake of Bannockburn in 1314, it was rebuilt with houses of a new type. These were probably laid out through the initiative of the lord, and comprised four main terraces of longhouses, in all c.28 dwellings, facing onto the

Middle Ages: rural settlement and manors<br />

• 251 •<br />

<strong>The</strong> defining moment in medieval rural archaeology <strong>ca</strong>me in 1952 when a Cambridge postgraduate,<br />

John Hurst, precociously engaged in the study <strong>of</strong> medieval pottery, visited one <strong>of</strong><br />

Beresford’s ex<strong>ca</strong>vations, at Wharram Percy, deep in the high chalk lands<strong>ca</strong>pe <strong>of</strong> the east Yorkshire<br />

Wolds (Beresford and Hurst 1990). Appalled by the historians’ trenching, Hurst agreed to take<br />

over responsibility for the ex<strong>ca</strong>vations, thus unwittingly launching not only one <strong>of</strong> the most<br />

celebrated partnerships <strong>of</strong> post-war archaeology but also what, over the whole course <strong>of</strong> its 40-<br />

year existence, was undoubtedly one <strong>of</strong> the most influential all-round projects in European<br />

archaeology. During that time, the project was the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l flagship <strong>of</strong> the Deserted Medieval<br />

Settlement Research Group, founded in the latter part <strong>of</strong> 1952, which was later to change its<br />

name as perceptions altered and interests broadened to the Medieval Village Research Group in<br />

1971 and to the Medieval Settlement Research Group in 1986.<br />

As ex<strong>ca</strong>vations proper commenced at Wharram in 1953, Hurst abandoned the then ‘industry<br />

standard’ method made famous by Sir Mortimer Wheeler <strong>of</strong> digging a regular chequerboard <strong>of</strong><br />

trenches separated by broad baulks whose sections recorded the verti<strong>ca</strong>l stratigraphy. Instead,<br />

and for the first time on a British medieval site, the technique <strong>of</strong> open-area ex<strong>ca</strong>vation was<br />

adopted and the whole area <strong>of</strong> House 10 was opened up at once. Its ex<strong>ca</strong>vation occupied summer<br />

seasons throughout the 1950s, as did a similar <strong>ca</strong>mpaign on House 6 in the 1960s. <strong>The</strong> archaeology<br />

<strong>of</strong> both sites was complex, and its interpretation has changed radi<strong>ca</strong>lly over the years. That in<br />

itself is testimony to another innovation at Wharram, <strong>of</strong> meticulous recording: stone-by-stone<br />

planning, and the noting <strong>of</strong> the position <strong>of</strong> every find, even pottery, in three dimensions. When<br />

the turf and the shattered chalk destruction rubble was removed and picked apart, what was<br />

exposed was apparently not the single-phase 30-m long buildings that the earthworks had suggested<br />

but short, misaligned lengths <strong>of</strong> walling interpreted as evidence <strong>of</strong> the frequent rebuilding <strong>of</strong><br />

what must therefore have been structurally flimsy buildings. Only in the 1980s, and following<br />

detailed work on the area’s vernacular architecture, was Stuart Wrathmell able to reinterpret the<br />

same evidence, and to demonstrate that these had been cruck-framed houses, sturdy and long<br />

lived, standing for perhaps two centuries (Figure 14.2). What the ex<strong>ca</strong>vators had found were the<br />

short lengths <strong>of</strong> walling between each timber cruck, walls that had no structural function (the<br />

ro<strong>of</strong> being supported by the cruck frames), and which were replaced piecemeal as needs be.<br />

<strong>The</strong> study <strong>of</strong> vernacular architecture—that is <strong>of</strong> ordinary houses and cottages constructed<br />

<strong>from</strong> lo<strong>ca</strong>lly available materials using traditional building techniques—has made a massive impact<br />

in general on the study <strong>of</strong> medieval housing, especially now that dendrochronology has supplied<br />

large numbers <strong>of</strong> precise dates. In Kent, for instance, admittedly a county where the tradition <strong>of</strong><br />

timber-framed building was strong, it is now reckoned that there remain some 2,500 open-hall<br />

houses <strong>of</strong> late thirteenth- to late sixteenth-century date, most post-dating 1370, when rebuilding<br />

began with a vengeance after a 30-year gap following the Black Death. <strong>The</strong> sheer number strongly<br />

indi<strong>ca</strong>tes that these represent not atypi<strong>ca</strong>l structures, the survival <strong>of</strong> which <strong>ca</strong>n be explained by<br />

the use <strong>of</strong> exceptional materials or techniques, but the perfectly ordinary farmhouses <strong>of</strong> an<br />

emerging late medieval sub-gentry class (Pearson 1994). Documentary research has also played a<br />

part in advancing our understanding <strong>of</strong> peasant building, for although references to structural<br />

details are relatively infrequent, when collected together on a regional basis, signifi<strong>ca</strong>nt patterns<br />

<strong>ca</strong>n emerge. In the West Midlands, for instance, the histori<strong>ca</strong>l evidence has enabled Dyer (1986)<br />

to characterize late medieval houses as well-<strong>ca</strong>rpented, <strong>of</strong> two or three bays, erected around<br />

cruck principals and founded on low stone plinth walls. It is now clear that in many parts <strong>of</strong> the<br />

country the late medieval peasantry was living in well-built houses, many <strong>of</strong> which have survived<br />

to this day.<br />

Returning to archaeology, <strong>from</strong> the mid-1960s, open-area ex<strong>ca</strong>vation began on villages other<br />

than Wharram, both <strong>of</strong> single plots (‘t<strong>of</strong>ts’) and more extensively (for a review and references see

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