The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
Chapter Fourteen Landscapes of the Middle Ages Rural settlement and manors Paul Stamper FRAMEWORKS To most British archaeologists and historians, the Middle Ages (Middle, that is, between the Classical world and that of the Renaissance when the term was first used) begins in 1066 with the Norman Conquest of England. While many would admit that this over-emphasizes the significance of what was essentially a political coup, the later eleventh century fell anyway in a period of significant changes sufficient by themselves to define a new age. At various times over the previous century or so, parish churches had proliferated, fully integrated manorial estates had evolved, nucleated settlements and open field systems had been established in all parts of lowland England, and Romanesque (Norman) architecture had arrived. There is less agreement about when the Middle Ages ended, although historians generally take as their marker the Battle of Bosworth in 1485 which brought to a close the Wars of the Roses. Archaeologists, more attuned to the material world, tend to see the medieval world continuing until the 1540s, when the Dissolution of the monasteries not only brought down those key medieval institutions but also saw a redistribution of something like a third of the land of England, as monastic estates were sold off into lay (nonreligious) ownership. Those five centuries pivot about the mid-fourteenth century, and especially the first and most awful visitation in 1348–9 of bubonic plague, the Black Death, which killed a third of the country’s population. This accelerated and accentuated changes that were already afoot (Platt 1996). Labour, until then plentiful and cheap, was no longer so. More importantly, as the land of the dead was redistributed, far fewer families had to live at bare subsistence level and prey to starvation if their meagre acreage of crops failed. The greater availability of land similarly enabled the more enterprising peasants to start to put together larger holdings, and to begin to take on the characteristics of the modern farmer. There is one other pivotal development that significantly affects the study of the Middle Ages, and this is the explosion in written record keeping that occurred in the thirteenth century. Within the space of a few decades around the middle of that century, title to land, estate accounts, and legal proceedings all began routinely to be made in writing—a technology previously very restricted in its application. Before then, little was recorded in writing other than the doings of kings and their battles, but thereafter for many half-acres we know their full tenurial history and for many estates their productivity down to the last bushel of grain and piglet. Michael Clanchy has calculated that in the thirteenth century alone 8 million charters (deeds) may have been produced for England’s
• 248 • Paul Stamper peasants. The figure is barely credible, yet plausible, and some measure of the scale of the transformation that he has characterized as the move from memory to written record. This vast new dataset inevitably alters the role of archaeology in the study of the later Middle Ages, although opinion is divided in what way. Does archaeology become a tool to be used more selectively, given that documents tell us so much? Or does the availability, as it were, of written cross-checks open up the opportunity to have a far deeper and more critical understanding of, or dialogue with, the archaeological evidence? That such a fundamental question remains unresolved is a mark of the relative youth of the discipline of medieval archaeology, which, as will be seen, developed only after the Second World War. Prehistorians had banded together to found a national Prehistoric Society in 1935, but not until 1957, when the Society for Medieval Archaeology was established, was there an archaeological ‘period’ society and journal for the Middle Ages. That annual publication, Medieval Archaeology, remains the key periodical for the study of the archaeology of the Middle Ages in north-west Europe. The archaeological data available to the medievalist, both in range and quantity, is very similar to that which faces the Romanist. Although in some parts of the country little pottery was in use at the time of the Norman Conquest, by the twelfth century pottery was generally plentiful and, it would seem, cheap—certainly the coarser unglazed wares used for cooking and storage. In the thirteenth century, glazed vessels, especially jugs, became increasingly common and more spectacular in decoration, and scatters of sherds in the ploughsoil remain the best indicator in the countryside of the location of habitation sites. Excavation of such invariably recovers a wide range of manufactured goods—tools, fixtures and fittings, and dress items—manufactured from stone, bone, and all kinds of metal, although predominantly iron and bronze. Where soil conditions permit, as with the sites of any period, it will also yield a wide range of environmental remains, which can range from the bones of oxen and horses to charred, waterlogged or mineralized seeds. Little of this data can be securely dated on stylistic grounds, and even the most distinctive forms of glazed pottery can only be allocated, with any confidence, to a 50-year date band. The medievalist is therefore fortunate that the economy was quite heavily reliant on money, and that even peasants close to the bottom of the social spectrum routinely handled, and lost into what in time became archaeological deposits, datable small denomination coinage. Figure 14.1 Pillar-and-stall coal mining exposed at Coleorton, Leicestershire, during modern opencast operations, dated by tree-ring analysis of pit props and shaft timbers to between 1450 and 1463. The workings are in a coal seam 3 m thick, which in the area shown is at a depth of 30 m. The long, thin ‘pillars’ of solid coal were left by the miners to support the roof. Access was gained to the seam not from the outcrop (although this was only 250 m to the left of the photo) but from carefully constructed timber-lined shafts sunk vertically from the surface. Source: R.F.Hartley, Leicestershire Museums, Arts and Records Service The most precise dating available to the medieval archaeologist is dendrochronology (i.e. dating using tree rings), although obviously that technique is applicable only where a standing structure with substantial original timbers is being studied (Figure 14.1), or where conditions
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• 248 • Paul Stamper<br />
peasants. <strong>The</strong> figure is barely credible, yet plausible, and some measure <strong>of</strong> the s<strong>ca</strong>le <strong>of</strong> the<br />
transformation that he has characterized as the move <strong>from</strong> memory to written record.<br />
This vast new dataset inevitably alters the role <strong>of</strong> archaeology in the study <strong>of</strong> the later Middle<br />
Ages, although opinion is divided in what way. Does archaeology become a tool to be used more<br />
selectively, given that documents tell us so much? Or does the availability, as it were, <strong>of</strong> written<br />
cross-checks open up the opportunity to have a far deeper and more criti<strong>ca</strong>l understanding <strong>of</strong>, or<br />
dialogue with, the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l evidence? That such a fundamental question remains unresolved<br />
is a mark <strong>of</strong> the relative youth <strong>of</strong> the discipline <strong>of</strong> medieval archaeology, which, as will be seen,<br />
developed only after the Second World War. Prehistorians had banded together to found a national<br />
Prehistoric Society in 1935, but not until 1957, when the Society for Medieval <strong>Archaeology</strong> was<br />
established, was there an archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l ‘period’ society and journal for the Middle Ages. That<br />
annual publi<strong>ca</strong>tion, Medieval <strong>Archaeology</strong>, remains the key periodi<strong>ca</strong>l for the study <strong>of</strong> the archaeology<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Middle Ages in north-west Europe.<br />
<strong>The</strong> archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l data available to the medievalist, both in range and quantity, is very similar<br />
to that which faces the Romanist. Although in some parts <strong>of</strong> the country little pottery was in use<br />
at the time <strong>of</strong> the Norman Conquest, by the twelfth century pottery was generally plentiful and,<br />
it would seem, cheap—certainly the coarser unglazed wares used for cooking and storage. In the<br />
thirteenth century, glazed vessels, especially jugs, be<strong>ca</strong>me increasingly common and more<br />
spectacular in decoration, and s<strong>ca</strong>tters <strong>of</strong> sherds in the ploughsoil remain the best indi<strong>ca</strong>tor in the<br />
countryside <strong>of</strong> the lo<strong>ca</strong>tion <strong>of</strong> habitation sites. Ex<strong>ca</strong>vation <strong>of</strong> such invariably recovers a wide<br />
range <strong>of</strong> manufactured goods—tools, fixtures and fittings, and dress items—manufactured <strong>from</strong><br />
stone, bone, and all kinds <strong>of</strong> metal, although predominantly iron and bronze. Where soil conditions<br />
permit, as with the sites <strong>of</strong> any period, it will also yield a wide range <strong>of</strong> environmental remains,<br />
which <strong>ca</strong>n range <strong>from</strong> the bones <strong>of</strong><br />
oxen and horses to charred, waterlogged<br />
or mineralized seeds. Little<br />
<strong>of</strong> this data <strong>ca</strong>n be securely dated<br />
on stylistic grounds, and even the<br />
most distinctive forms <strong>of</strong> glazed<br />
pottery <strong>ca</strong>n only be allo<strong>ca</strong>ted, with<br />
any confidence, to a 50-year date<br />
band. <strong>The</strong> medievalist is therefore<br />
fortunate that the economy was<br />
quite heavily reliant on money, and<br />
that even peasants close to the<br />
bottom <strong>of</strong> the social spectrum<br />
routinely handled, and lost into what<br />
in time be<strong>ca</strong>me archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l<br />
deposits, datable small<br />
denomination coinage.<br />
Figure 14.1 Pillar-and-stall coal mining exposed at Coleorton, Leicestershire,<br />
during modern open<strong>ca</strong>st operations, dated by tree-ring analysis <strong>of</strong> pit props<br />
and shaft timbers to between 1450 and 1463. <strong>The</strong> workings are in a coal seam<br />
3 m thick, which in the area shown is at a depth <strong>of</strong> 30 m. <strong>The</strong> long, thin<br />
‘pillars’ <strong>of</strong> solid coal were left by the miners to support the ro<strong>of</strong>. Access was<br />
gained to the seam not <strong>from</strong> the outcrop (although this was only 250 m to the<br />
left <strong>of</strong> the photo) but <strong>from</strong> <strong>ca</strong>refully constructed timber-lined shafts sunk<br />
verti<strong>ca</strong>lly <strong>from</strong> the surface.<br />
Source: R.F.Hartley, Leicestershire Museums, Arts and Records Service<br />
<strong>The</strong> most precise dating available<br />
to the medieval archaeologist is<br />
dendrochronology (i.e. dating using<br />
tree rings), although obviously that<br />
technique is appli<strong>ca</strong>ble only where<br />
a standing structure with substantial<br />
original timbers is being studied<br />
(Figure 14.1), or where conditions