The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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Middle Ages: towns • 225 • dark earth, the deposit normally associated with the Saxon centuries. Some towns, like Torksey in Lincolnshire, declined to almost nothing; now they are largely fields (Figure 12.8). Archaeological and historical work is beginning to suggest that the period from 1350 to 1500 can be divided further. At first, up to about 1420, urban populations reproduced themselves and made up for the plague losses. Towns went through a period of self-selection, where one might decline, but a local rival rose (Wallingford overtaken by Reading, Torksey overtaken by Boston). The larger centres such as York, Norwich and King’s Lynn went through a good period. After 1420, more general decay set in, and even the larger towns declined. By the early sixteenth century, to take an extreme case, it was reported that a quarter of all the houses in Coventry were empty. At the same time, there was a fundamental change in the trading patterns around the south of Britain. The fifteenth century opened in a phase of prosperity for foreign commerce, which had slumped to less than half of its former value by the middle of the century, and then rose to new heights. The area of trading swung away from Gascony and Normandy, and withdrew from the Baltic, to a more concentrated North Sea axis centred on the Netherlands. These changes are evident in the character of imported objects on British sites. It was the port towns, some of them growing new functions for the first time, that survived in good shape into the sixteenth century— not only London and Bristol, but Newcastle, Colchester, Ipswich, Exeter and Chester. We are at present only dimly aware of all the factors at play here, and regional archaeological studies will show which areas retained vitality or exploited new markets. Even greater changes, to the topography of towns and to the lifestyles of townspeople, were about to follow in the 1530s with the dissolution of the monasteries and the religious changes collectively known as the Reformation. THE BRITISH EVIDENCE IN ITS WIDER SETTING Although the rescue archaeology movement, in Britain and other European countries, has brought about the excavation and interpretation of sites of all periods from Palaeolithic to the modern, it has a special relevance for towns in Britain and for medieval archaeology. Urban archaeology as a discipline has grown up almost totally since 1945. Medieval archaeology as a subject has only a slightly longer history: in Britain, the first discussions of the concept date from about 1940. Rescue archaeology has also been active in medieval towns all over Europe (for examples of national reviews, see those for Germany and Sweden, in Fehring 1991 and Esgard et al. 1992). Though archaeologists in European countries, like their British counterparts, are now digesting the evidence of the last five decades, some common questions and answers are appearing. A critical question concerns whether archaeologists in medieval towns should try to apply theoretical models to their results, and whether these models should be derived from historical sources and deal with historical problems, or should be constructed totally by archaeologists themselves. Did medieval towns advance the economic development of Britain or Europe? Some scholars think that towns were irritants in the basically rural feudal system of life-control, and that towns were instrumental in the campaigns for individual rights (first for men, and later for women). Braudel (1979) distinguished between three sorts of town: the open town, which is still attached to its parent agricultural world; the subject town, which is shaped by an external political authority (a bishop, prince or king); and the closed town, where those within the town take over power for themselves. Western European economic growth is seen to be pushed forward by the attempts of some closed towns to increase and maintain their fortunes. This three-part grouping, which could be applied to British towns, underlines clearly that British towns are part of a larger European

• 226 • John Schofield phenomenon. Though small towns in England, Wales or Scotland were largely the built expressions of local interests, they were part of a larger European picture with many regional variations. This historical model (and there are several others) is, however, ultimately unsatisfactory. Towns refuse to be pinned down and categorized simply, and other scholars have argued that there is nothing special about towns, no independent city variable: towns are sites where more general structures of power and struggles for power are dramatically expressed. It is true that the town can be profitably discussed as a social form in which larger systems of social relations are concentrated and intensified. What is fascinating is to see how this intensification brings out specialized forms of housing, ways of coping with density of settlement and its problems, and the consequences of variety in occupations or ethnic groups. Some archaeologists (Carver 1987; Schofield and Vince 1994) have begun to construct a model that starts with the mountain of data now dug up from British towns. Let the data speak; see what it has to say. The extraordinary value of waterfront archaeology, the most important product of post-war excavations in European towns, has revolutionized the study of material medieval culture. It has shown how archaeology, aided by spectacular preservation of artefacts and the development of dendrochronology, has constructed a whole new area of study and debate with historians, and on its own terms. Acknowledgements I am grateful to my students Vicky Snelling, Tom Dodd and Graham Cushmay for criticism of this chapter in draft. KEY TEXTS Aston, M. and Bond, J., 1974. The landscape of towns. London: Dent. Clarke, H., 1984. The archaeology of medieval England. London: British Museum. Dyer, C., 1989. Standards of living in the later Middle Ages: social change in England c 1200–1520. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Platt, C., 1976. The English medieval town. London: Secker and Warburg. Schofield, J. and Vince, A., 1994. Medieval towns. London: Pinter Press. Steane, J.M., 1985. The archaeology of medieval England and Wales. Beckenham: Croom Helm. Bibliography Atkin, M., 1985. ‘Excavations on Alms Lane’, in Atkin, M., Carter, A. and Evans, D.H., Excavations in Norwich 1971–78, Part II. Gressenhall: East Anglian Archaeology 26, 144–260. Biddle, M. (ed.) 1990. Object and economy in medieval Winchester. Oxford: Winchester Studies 7.ii. Blair, J. and Ramsay, N. (eds) 1991. English medieval industries. London: Hambledon Press. Braudel, F., 1979. Capitalism and material life 1400–1800. London: Fontana. Carver, M.O.H., 1980. ‘Medieval Worcester: an archaeological framework’, Transactions of the Worcestershire Archaeological Society 7. Carver, M.O.H., 1987. ‘The nature of urban deposits’, in Schofield, J. and Leech, R. (eds) Urban archaeology in Britain. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report 61, 9–26. Clarke, H.B. and Simms, A. (eds) 1985. The comparative history of urban origins in non-Roman Europe, Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 255. Crowfoot, E., Pritchard, F. and Staniland, K., 1992. Textiles and clothing c 1150-c 1450, =Medieval finds from excavations in London 4. London: HMSO. Daniels, R., 1990. ‘The development of medieval Hartlepool: excavations at Church Close, 1984–5’, Archaeological Journal 147, 337–410. Egan, G. and Pritchard, F., 1991. Dress accessories =Medieval finds from excavations in London 3. London: HMSO.

Middle Ages: towns<br />

• 225 •<br />

dark earth, the deposit normally associated with the Saxon centuries. Some towns, like Torksey in<br />

Lincolnshire, declined to almost nothing; now they are largely fields (Figure 12.8).<br />

Archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l and histori<strong>ca</strong>l work is beginning to suggest that the period <strong>from</strong> 1350 to 1500<br />

<strong>ca</strong>n be divided further. At first, up to about 1420, urban populations reproduced themselves and<br />

made up for the plague losses. Towns went through a period <strong>of</strong> self-selection, where one might<br />

decline, but a lo<strong>ca</strong>l rival rose (Wallingford overtaken by Reading, Torksey overtaken by Boston).<br />

<strong>The</strong> larger centres such as York, Norwich and King’s Lynn went through a good period.<br />

After 1420, more general de<strong>ca</strong>y set in, and even the larger towns declined. By the early sixteenth<br />

century, to take an extreme <strong>ca</strong>se, it was reported that a quarter <strong>of</strong> all the houses in Coventry were<br />

empty. At the same time, there was a fundamental change in the trading patterns around the<br />

south <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong>. <strong>The</strong> fifteenth century opened in a phase <strong>of</strong> prosperity for foreign commerce,<br />

which had slumped to less than half <strong>of</strong> its former value by the middle <strong>of</strong> the century, and then<br />

rose to new heights. <strong>The</strong> area <strong>of</strong> trading swung away <strong>from</strong> Gascony and Normandy, and withdrew<br />

<strong>from</strong> the Baltic, to a more concentrated North Sea axis centred on the Netherlands. <strong>The</strong>se changes<br />

are evident in the character <strong>of</strong> imported objects on British sites. It was the port towns, some <strong>of</strong><br />

them growing new functions for the first time, that survived in good shape into the sixteenth<br />

century— not only London and Bristol, but New<strong>ca</strong>stle, Colchester, Ipswich, Exeter and Chester.<br />

We are at present only dimly aware <strong>of</strong> all the factors at play here, and regional archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l<br />

studies will show which areas retained vitality or exploited new markets. Even greater changes, to<br />

the topography <strong>of</strong> towns and to the lifestyles <strong>of</strong> townspeople, were about to follow in the 1530s<br />

with the dissolution <strong>of</strong> the monasteries and the religious changes collectively known as the<br />

Reformation.<br />

THE BRITISH EVIDENCE IN ITS WIDER SETTING<br />

Although the rescue archaeology movement, in <strong>Britain</strong> and other European countries, has<br />

brought about the ex<strong>ca</strong>vation and interpretation <strong>of</strong> sites <strong>of</strong> all periods <strong>from</strong> Palaeolithic to the<br />

modern, it has a special relevance for towns in <strong>Britain</strong> and for medieval archaeology. Urban<br />

archaeology as a discipline has grown up almost totally since 1945. Medieval archaeology as a<br />

subject has only a slightly longer history: in <strong>Britain</strong>, the first discussions <strong>of</strong> the concept date<br />

<strong>from</strong> about 1940. Rescue archaeology has also been active in medieval towns all over Europe<br />

(for examples <strong>of</strong> national reviews, see those for Germany and Sweden, in Fehring 1991 and<br />

Esgard et al. 1992). Though archaeologists in European countries, like their British counterparts,<br />

are now digesting the evidence <strong>of</strong> the last five de<strong>ca</strong>des, some common questions and answers<br />

are appearing. A criti<strong>ca</strong>l question concerns whether archaeologists in medieval towns should<br />

try to apply theoreti<strong>ca</strong>l models to their results, and whether these models should be derived<br />

<strong>from</strong> histori<strong>ca</strong>l sources and deal with histori<strong>ca</strong>l problems, or should be constructed totally by<br />

archaeologists themselves.<br />

Did medieval towns advance the economic development <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> or Europe? Some scholars<br />

think that towns were irritants in the basi<strong>ca</strong>lly rural feudal system <strong>of</strong> life-control, and that towns<br />

were instrumental in the <strong>ca</strong>mpaigns for individual rights (first for men, and later for women).<br />

Braudel (1979) distinguished between three sorts <strong>of</strong> town: the open town, which is still attached to<br />

its parent agricultural world; the subject town, which is shaped by an external politi<strong>ca</strong>l authority (a<br />

bishop, prince or king); and the closed town, where those within the town take over power for<br />

themselves. Western European economic growth is seen to be pushed forward by the attempts<br />

<strong>of</strong> some closed towns to increase and maintain their fortunes. This three-part grouping, which<br />

could be applied to British towns, underlines clearly that British towns are part <strong>of</strong> a larger European

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