The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Scandinavian presence • 205 • had developed in different sectors, reflected in street names such as Tanner Street, Fleshmonger Street and Wheelwright Street. The south-east quarter appears to have been a royal and ecclesiastical centre; a stone-built tower set in an enclosure on Brook Street may have been a residential compound of an elite group, its architecture reflecting their classical aspirations (Biddle 1981; Richards 1991). Industry In the towns, the Scandinavians provided one of the main catalysts for urban growth and helped create the conditions by which England experienced what Richard Hodges describes as the First Industrial Revolution (Hodges 1989). Pottery is a case in point. During the Middle Saxon period, most pottery was manufactured locally by hand. By the early ninth century, only Ipswich ware was produced on an industrial scale and traded widely. From the mid-ninth century, changes began to occur at a number of centres. In York, there were the first steps towards a specialized pottery industry with increased standardization of forms and fabrics (Mainman 1990). In East Anglia, the Ipswich potters began to use a wheel to make cooking pots in what is known as the Thetford tradition. By 900, wheel-thrown pottery was manufactured over much of eastern England. This new pottery production was predominantly town-based: Northampton, Stamford, Stafford, Thetford and Winchester are all examples of new wares that take their names from towns in which kilns have been discovered. Stamford is notable for the introduction, in the late ninth century, of yellow or green glazing on spouted pitchers made in a fine, off-white fabric. The sudden appearance of glazing is coincidental with the Scandinavian presence in Stamford, but the technology appears to have been introduced from northern France or the Low Countries by potters who arrived in the wake of the Scandinavian takeover. Stamford ware was traded widely via coastal or riverine routes throughout the Danelaw; by the eleventh century it accounts for 25 per cent of all pottery in Lincoln and York. Its spread appears to have started with specialist industrial pottery; glazed crucibles are the first pottery to appear on tenth-century metalworking sites in Lincoln, Thetford and York. Industrial-scale metalworking is also a feature of the new towns. The working of copper alloys and precious metals was hitherto restricted to high status sites such as the royal palace at Cheddar, Somerset, and generally appears to have been carried out only under lordly or ecclesiastical patronage. By the tenth century, it had become an urban enterprise; at Coppergate, for example, two adjacent tenements were occupied by metalworkers, and some 1,000 crucible fragments were found (Bayley 1992). The urban markets fuelled a large demand for mass-produced lead-alloy disc brooches decorated in a Scandinavian style. Iron working also spread to the towns, and whilst rural farmsteads still had their own smithies, it was in the towns that smiths experimented with new artefacts and new techniques. In York, for example, new types of knife were introduced and decoration proliferated (Ottaway 1992). The urban communities are also characterized by manufacture in bone and antler, leather and textiles. In each case, raw materials would have been available in the immediate rural hinterlands and the urban craftsmen produced goods on a large scale for local demand. To date, the relationship between towns and their hinterlands is best studied from the urban evidence, particularly that provided by environmental archaeology. In York, the Middle Saxon traders occupying the Fishergate site appear to have been dependent upon the ruling elite for the majority of their food supply, and had little opportunity for trading with rural food-producers. The settlement at Fishergate seems to have had a narrow subsistence base. Cattle and sheep probably arrived in York on the hoof, although some pigs may have arrived as dressed carcasses. Minor animal components of the diet are very under-represented, and there are few wild mammals, birds and fish. In Viking Age York, by contrast, there was a great increase in the variety of foodstuffs
• 206 • Julian D.Richards available. Although there is little change in the staple meat species, there is a marked increase in those species identified as suitable for raising in backyards, such as pigs, geese and fowl. The fish bones show intensive exploitation of the river; plant remains, including moss, elder, blackberry, raspberry and sloe, reflect exploitation of local woodland resources. By the late tenth century, the exploitation pattern now has more in common with that seen in medieval York. Whereas the food supply of the Anglo-Saxon wic had been dependent upon a food rent system run by the elite, the Viking Age traders and craftsmen had greater freedom of operation than their controlled predecessors. Here we may see the emergence, therefore, of an independent mercantile urban class whose livelihood was based upon trade and exchange rather than redistribution (O’Connor 1994). Commercial trade would have been dependent upon the development of a monetary economy. By the late tenth century, there were some 50–60 mints operating from burhs and major towns throughout England. The Isle of Man too began producing its own distinctive Hiberno-Manx coinage, although this may not have functioned as a full currency. The process was much slower in Scotland, and Scottish hoards indicate that a monetary economy was not operating in the fringes of the British Isles until much later. Scottish hoards, such as that from Skaill, Orkney, contain not only imported silver coins but also hack-silver (i.e. fragments of silver objects that have been chopped up to use simply as bullion) and ring-money (i.e. plain silver arm rings, which were a convenient way of carrying measurable wealth). In England, imported silver was converted into the official coinage. At each mint, a number of private individuals, or moneyers, took responsibility for the coinage on behalf of royal authority. Whilst coins carried the name of the ruler on their obverse, on the reverse the name of the moneyer appeared. Chester, being the entry point from Dublin, became an important centre for coin production, and 24 moneyers worked there from 924–39. Although not all those with Scandinavian names may have been settlers, it is still significant that by the reign of Ethelred, 75 per cent of York’s moneyers, and 50 per cent of Lincoln’s, bore Scandinavian names (see papers in Blackburn 1986). The church In the countryside, it seems that Scandinavian settlers presided over the fragmentation of great estates, establishing manorial centres and accelerating the market in the buying and selling of land. Alongside this we see a boom in the creation of rural parishes and parish churches, notably in the tenth and early eleventh centuries. By the time of the Domesday Book, there were demonstrably over 2,600 local churches (Morris 1989). This explosion in church construction was a by-product of the quest for status of new landowners. The possession of a church was an important status symbol, as well as a source of income. Most of the manorial churches were new buildings, although some were adapted from existing minster or monastic sites. Many probably began as wooden buildings, but most were soon transformed into impressive stone buildings. The new churches generally started as simple, small, rectangular boxes to provide a nave, although chancels were often added later. At Wharram Percy, North Yorkshire, a small timber church was established in the tenth century, perhaps as a private chapel of an Anglo-Scandinavian lord. This was enlarged in the eleventh century by a small, two-celled church consisting of a nave and chancel. The church became a focus for burials of the early lords of the Percy manor, and later of the parish (Beresford and Hurst 1990). At Raunds, a small, rectangular, late ninth- or tenth-century church was erected on a stone foundation adjacent to the manorial enclosure. In the eleventh century, this building was replaced by a larger church, 15m long, which by this time must have been serving the residents of the surrounding settlements who were buried in the graveyard.
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• 206 • Julian D.Richards<br />
available. Although there is little change in the staple meat species, there is a marked increase in<br />
those species identified as suitable for raising in backyards, such as pigs, geese and fowl. <strong>The</strong> fish<br />
bones show intensive exploitation <strong>of</strong> the river; plant remains, including moss, elder, blackberry,<br />
raspberry and sloe, reflect exploitation <strong>of</strong> lo<strong>ca</strong>l woodland resources. By the late tenth century, the<br />
exploitation pattern now has more in common with that seen in medieval York. Whereas the<br />
food supply <strong>of</strong> the <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon wic had been dependent upon a food rent system run by the<br />
elite, the Viking Age traders and craftsmen had greater freedom <strong>of</strong> operation than their controlled<br />
predecessors. Here we may see the emergence, therefore, <strong>of</strong> an independent mer<strong>ca</strong>ntile urban<br />
class whose livelihood was based upon trade and exchange rather than redistribution (O’Connor<br />
1994).<br />
Commercial trade would have been dependent upon the development <strong>of</strong> a monetary<br />
economy. By the late tenth century, there were some 50–60 mints operating <strong>from</strong> burhs and<br />
major towns throughout England. <strong>The</strong> Isle <strong>of</strong> Man too began producing its own distinctive<br />
Hiberno-Manx coinage, although this may not have functioned as a full currency. <strong>The</strong> process<br />
was much slower in Scotland, and Scottish hoards indi<strong>ca</strong>te that a monetary economy was not<br />
operating in the fringes <strong>of</strong> the British Isles until much later. Scottish hoards, such as that <strong>from</strong><br />
Skaill, Orkney, contain not only imported silver coins but also hack-silver (i.e. fragments <strong>of</strong><br />
silver objects that have been chopped up to use simply as bullion) and ring-money (i.e. plain<br />
silver arm rings, which were a convenient way <strong>of</strong> <strong>ca</strong>rrying measurable wealth). In England,<br />
imported silver was converted into the <strong>of</strong>ficial coinage. At each mint, a number <strong>of</strong> private<br />
individuals, or moneyers, took responsibility for the coinage on behalf <strong>of</strong> royal authority. Whilst<br />
coins <strong>ca</strong>rried the name <strong>of</strong> the ruler on their obverse, on the reverse the name <strong>of</strong> the moneyer<br />
appeared. Chester, being the entry point <strong>from</strong> Dublin, be<strong>ca</strong>me an important centre for coin<br />
production, and 24 moneyers worked there <strong>from</strong> 924–39. Although not all those with<br />
S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian names may have been settlers, it is still signifi<strong>ca</strong>nt that by the reign <strong>of</strong> Ethelred,<br />
75 per cent <strong>of</strong> York’s moneyers, and 50 per cent <strong>of</strong> Lincoln’s, bore S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian names (see<br />
papers in Blackburn 1986).<br />
<strong>The</strong> church<br />
In the countryside, it seems that S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian settlers presided over the fragmentation <strong>of</strong><br />
great estates, establishing manorial centres and accelerating the market in the buying and selling<br />
<strong>of</strong> land. Alongside this we see a boom in the creation <strong>of</strong> rural parishes and parish churches,<br />
notably in the tenth and early eleventh centuries. By the time <strong>of</strong> the Domesday Book, there<br />
were demonstrably over 2,600 lo<strong>ca</strong>l churches (Morris 1989). This explosion in church<br />
construction was a by-product <strong>of</strong> the quest for status <strong>of</strong> new landowners. <strong>The</strong> possession <strong>of</strong> a<br />
church was an important status symbol, as well as a source <strong>of</strong> income. Most <strong>of</strong> the manorial<br />
churches were new buildings, although some were adapted <strong>from</strong> existing minster or monastic<br />
sites. Many probably began as wooden buildings, but most were soon transformed into impressive<br />
stone buildings. <strong>The</strong> new churches generally started as simple, small, rectangular boxes to<br />
provide a nave, although chancels were <strong>of</strong>ten added later. At Wharram Percy, North Yorkshire,<br />
a small timber church was established in the tenth century, perhaps as a private chapel <strong>of</strong> an<br />
<strong>An</strong>glo-S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavian lord. This was enlarged in the eleventh century by a small, two-celled<br />
church consisting <strong>of</strong> a nave and chancel. <strong>The</strong> church be<strong>ca</strong>me a focus for burials <strong>of</strong> the early<br />
lords <strong>of</strong> the Percy manor, and later <strong>of</strong> the parish (Beresford and Hurst 1990). At Raunds, a<br />
small, rectangular, late ninth- or tenth-century church was erected on a stone foundation adjacent<br />
to the manorial enclosure. In the eleventh century, this building was replaced by a larger church,<br />
15m long, which by this time must have been serving the residents <strong>of</strong> the surrounding settlements<br />
who were buried in the graveyard.