The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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Early historic Britain • 179 • have fallen within the second half of the fifth and the sixth centuries, and he probably lived in south-western Britain. What is clear is that the chapters of his work that are most often used today form only one part of a carefully constructed literary work, the main theme of which was a comparison of the Britons of his own day with the Israelites of the Bible. Gildas’ account of the invasion of Britain by the Anglo-Saxons is presented within a framework of history in which assaults by barbarians were seen as punishments by God for the sins of the British. This had happened, he claimed, after the Romans had left (at a much disputed date in the fifth century), and the wickedness of Gildas’ contemporaries made it likely that it would happen again unless they mended their ways. From Gildas we learn that barbarians invaded Britain in the fifth century, that they caused great destruction and that they took control of parts of the country. However, much of the detailed history that has been constructed from De Excidio has gone far beyond what can legitimately be learnt from it. Bede is better documented. He was a learned Christian monk who lived and wrote at the monastery of Jarrow in Northumbria. He died in AD 635, having completed the Historia in 631. In this work, he told the story of the Anglo-Saxons’ conversion to Christianity. His main aim was not to write a narrative history of the creation of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, although the information he provides is our main source for that history. He wrote from an Anglo-Saxon perspective and had a negative view of the British which he was able to support by reference to their own historian, Gildas. Bede was not alone in his scholarship. From the later seventh century onwards, an increasing body of written documents of all kinds survives, both secular and religious in purpose, including poetry, chronicles, law codes, letters, charters and wills, gospel books, sermons, lives of saints, and even collections of riddles (Godden and Lapidge 1991). Late Anglo-Saxon England had a complex administration which used written records and which was taken over by the Normans. The Vikings may have torn holes in our knowledge of the ninth century, but the eighth century, and the centuries immediately before the Norman conquest, look as fully historical as those after it. The archaeological evidence for the period is unevenly preserved in time and space, so that discussion of, for example, fifth-century Scotland will be based on different kinds of evidence from that of tenth-century Wessex, and will need to be conducted on different terms. Outside Anglo-Saxon England, there is relatively little archaeological evidence for the whole period, and what there is is not always precisely datable. Fortified strongholds, and the metalwork made for their rulers, predominate in the record. There are few lower status settlements, no towns and not many burial sites. By contrast, in England, cemeteries and the artefacts buried with the dead still provide the basis for research into the fifth to seventh centuries, although in recent decades settlement sites have been excavated more extensively. From the seventh century, burials ceased to be elaborately furnished and decline in importance as a source of information, while churches, sculpture and manuscripts emerge as an important class of evidence throughout Britain. At the same time, towns reappear for the first time since the Roman era, at first as coastal trading places but later as a network of administrative centres with, amongst other functions, that of mints for a re-established coinage. CHANGING PERCEPTIONS Because the history of the period has always been bound up with national identity, more significance has been attached to the differences between peoples than to their similarities. The Anglo-Saxons have been seen as arriving in force from northern Germany, displacing the Romano-Britons of eastern and southern Britain, so that the English were and are a distinct people from the Welsh

• 180 • Catherine Hills and the Scots. This view suited not only the Anglo- Saxons but also the English of later centuries. In the sixteenth century, the Church of Bede was seen as the ancestor of the reformed Anglican Church, predating and avoiding the errors of medieval Catholicism. We owe much of our knowledge of Anglo-Saxon England to this idea, because it was what led Queen Elizabeth’s archbishop, Matthew Parker, to seek out, preserve and study Anglo-Saxon manuscripts (some of his collection remains to this day in the library of Corpus Christi, Cambridge, Parker’s college). Seventeenth-century Parliamentarians saw the Anglo-Saxon witan, the council consulted by the king, as the model for constitutional monarchy from which the Stuarts had wrongly departed. They and others after them also believed in an ancestral, free, democratic Germanic society, which by the nineteenth century had become the basis for the thesis that the English were a peculiarly blessed nation, suited to rule others around the world and distinctly superior to their Celtic neighbours. The Victorians saw King Alfred as the model of a virtuous, wise and patriotic king (Figure 10.2). The twentieth century, however, brought two wars with Germany and the end of empire. It began to seem better to play down the role of the Anglo- Saxons and to stress both continuity from Roman to medieval and the kinship of all the inhabitants of Britain with each other, rather than with ancestors Figure 10.2 Perception of King Alfred. of the German enemy. Source: A.S.Esmonde Cleary This approach is supported by an alternative version of the history of the fifth century in Britain which can be derived, albeit in sketchy outline, from some (but not all) readings of Gildas. This allows for the survival of an extensive part of Roman Britain under British rule, preferably the rule of King Arthur or someone like him. The existence of Arthur as a real person at all, let alone as a great king, has been much, and inconclusively, debated. The story became popular after the Norman Conquest, because it seemed to provide an alternative to the defeated Anglo-Saxons’ view of the history of Britain. It was popularized most vigorously by Geoffrey of Monmouth, who wrote his History of the Kings of Britain in the early twelfth century. At the end of the Middle Ages, Arthur was the name given by the Welsh Henry Tudor to his eldest son, and Arthur has persisted as a figure in myth and literature through the centuries. He had a brief vogue as an archaeological inspiration in the 1960s and early 1970s, with the excavation at South Cadbury (‘Camelot’), and at other western British sites such as Glastonbury, Cadbury Congresbury, and the Roman city of Wroxeter, near Shrewsbury. Occupation of these sites in the fifth or sixth centuries was seen as evidence for the existence of sub-Roman leader(s) and for survival of a partly Roman way of life, thus providing a factual basis for the later Arthurian stories. In part, this was the inspiration for a more widespread search for ‘continuity’ from Roman to Saxon on both urban and rural settlement sites. In towns, this search has been largely unsuccessful, and has

• 180 • Catherine Hills<br />

and the Scots. This view suited not only the <strong>An</strong>glo-<br />

Saxons but also the English <strong>of</strong> later centuries. In the<br />

sixteenth century, the Church <strong>of</strong> Bede was seen as<br />

the ancestor <strong>of</strong> the reformed <strong>An</strong>gli<strong>ca</strong>n Church,<br />

predating and avoiding the errors <strong>of</strong> medieval<br />

Catholicism. We owe much <strong>of</strong> our knowledge <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon England to this idea, be<strong>ca</strong>use it was<br />

what led Queen Elizabeth’s archbishop, Matthew<br />

Parker, to seek out, preserve and study <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon<br />

manuscripts (some <strong>of</strong> his collection remains to this<br />

day in the library <strong>of</strong> Corpus Christi, Cambridge,<br />

Parker’s college). Seventeenth-century<br />

Parliamentarians saw the <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon witan, the<br />

council consulted by the king, as the model for<br />

constitutional monarchy <strong>from</strong> which the Stuarts had<br />

wrongly departed. <strong>The</strong>y and others after them also<br />

believed in an ancestral, free, democratic Germanic<br />

society, which by the nineteenth century had become<br />

the basis for the thesis that the English were a<br />

peculiarly blessed nation, suited to rule others around<br />

the world and distinctly superior to their Celtic<br />

neighbours. <strong>The</strong> Victorians saw King Alfred as the<br />

model <strong>of</strong> a virtuous, wise and patriotic king (Figure<br />

10.2). <strong>The</strong> twentieth century, however, brought two<br />

wars with Germany and the end <strong>of</strong> empire. It began<br />

to seem better to play down the role <strong>of</strong> the <strong>An</strong>glo-<br />

Saxons and to stress both continuity <strong>from</strong> Roman to<br />

medieval and the kinship <strong>of</strong> all the inhabitants <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Britain</strong> with each other, rather than with ancestors<br />

Figure 10.2 Perception <strong>of</strong> King Alfred.<br />

<strong>of</strong> the German enemy.<br />

Source: A.S.Esmonde Cleary<br />

This approach is supported by an alternative<br />

version <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> the fifth century in <strong>Britain</strong><br />

which <strong>ca</strong>n be derived, albeit in sketchy outline, <strong>from</strong> some (but not all) readings <strong>of</strong> Gildas. This<br />

allows for the survival <strong>of</strong> an extensive part <strong>of</strong> Roman <strong>Britain</strong> under British rule, preferably the<br />

rule <strong>of</strong> King Arthur or someone like him. <strong>The</strong> existence <strong>of</strong> Arthur as a real person at all, let alone<br />

as a great king, has been much, and inconclusively, debated. <strong>The</strong> story be<strong>ca</strong>me popular after the<br />

Norman Conquest, be<strong>ca</strong>use it seemed to provide an alternative to the defeated <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxons’<br />

view <strong>of</strong> the history <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong>. It was popularized most vigorously by Ge<strong>of</strong>frey <strong>of</strong> Monmouth,<br />

who wrote his History <strong>of</strong> the Kings <strong>of</strong> <strong>Britain</strong> in the early twelfth century. At the end <strong>of</strong> the Middle<br />

Ages, Arthur was the name given by the Welsh Henry Tudor to his eldest son, and Arthur has<br />

persisted as a figure in myth and literature through the centuries. He had a brief vogue as an<br />

archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l inspiration in the 1960s and early 1970s, with the ex<strong>ca</strong>vation at South Cadbury<br />

(‘Camelot’), and at other western British sites such as Glastonbury, Cadbury Congresbury, and<br />

the Roman city <strong>of</strong> Wroxeter, near Shrewsbury. Occupation <strong>of</strong> these sites in the fifth or sixth<br />

centuries was seen as evidence for the existence <strong>of</strong> sub-Roman leader(s) and for survival <strong>of</strong> a<br />

partly Roman way <strong>of</strong> life, thus providing a factual basis for the later Arthurian stories. In part,<br />

this was the inspiration for a more widespread search for ‘continuity’ <strong>from</strong> Roman to Saxon on<br />

both urban and rural settlement sites. In towns, this search has been largely unsuccessful, and has

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