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The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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• 178 • Catherine Hills<br />

retrospectively defining the centuries before the arrival <strong>of</strong> the Augustinian mission in AD 597 as<br />

‘the Pagan period’.<br />

Outside southern and eastern England, ‘<strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon’ seems inappropriate. ‘Pictish’ is used<br />

instead in parts <strong>of</strong> Scotland, but oversimplifies complex and rather vague tribal organization. In<br />

the south-west, ‘sub-Roman’ is current be<strong>ca</strong>use it has been argued that elements <strong>of</strong> the social and<br />

politi<strong>ca</strong>l structure <strong>of</strong> the Roman province survived there. ‘Arthurian’ is another term more current<br />

in popular than a<strong>ca</strong>demic literature; it implies the existence <strong>of</strong> King Arthur or an ‘Arthur-type<br />

figure’ in the post-Roman period, usually in the de<strong>ca</strong>des around AD 500. ‘<strong>The</strong> Later Iron Age’<br />

stresses continuity between later prehistory and the first millennium AD, while ‘Early Christian’<br />

accentuates the role <strong>of</strong> the Church.<br />

Attempts at neutrality include ‘Early medieval’ and ‘Early historic’. However, ‘medieval’ <strong>ca</strong>n<br />

still be understood as meaning ‘after AD 1066’, and ‘Early historic’ suggests a very limited range<br />

<strong>of</strong> documentary sources, which is not true for the second half <strong>of</strong> the period covered in this<br />

chapter. Archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l dating for this period is either imprecise, as with radio<strong>ca</strong>rbon, or indirectly<br />

dependent on histori<strong>ca</strong>l sources, as with coins. Dendrochronology, used to great effect in this<br />

period in S<strong>ca</strong>ndinavia, depends on the survival <strong>of</strong> wood, which has not yet been found in sufficient<br />

quantity in <strong>Britain</strong>.<br />

Histori<strong>ca</strong>lly derived dates are still the main basis for chronology, yet the signifi<strong>ca</strong>nce <strong>of</strong> these<br />

dates is open to considerable doubt. We might begin in AD 410, the date when traditionally a<br />

beleaguered emperor Honorius told <strong>Britain</strong> to look to its own defences; but had the withdrawal<br />

<strong>of</strong> troops begun much sooner? Did vestiges <strong>of</strong> Roman authority last much longer? Is this a<br />

reliably transmitted imperial letter? Why should that date have had any meaning in Scotland (see<br />

Chapter 8)? Alternatively, we could start with the arrival <strong>of</strong> the <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxons in AD 449, a date<br />

that Bede, writing centuries after the events, gives us as the best sense he could make <strong>of</strong> the<br />

records at his disposal. He was a <strong>ca</strong>reful scholar, but he could have been wrong, and much ink has<br />

been spilt in inconclusive discussion <strong>of</strong> both these dates. At the other end, 1066 is agreed by all<br />

as the date when William, Duke <strong>of</strong> Normandy defeated and replaced the <strong>An</strong>glo-Saxon kings as<br />

ruler <strong>of</strong> England, although that did not have an immediate impact on Scotland and Wales. Nor is<br />

it a date traceable in much <strong>of</strong> the evidence used by archaeologists. It <strong>ca</strong>n be seen in those places<br />

where the impact <strong>of</strong> an aggressive, intrusive, military aristocracy might be expected, most notably<br />

in the construction <strong>of</strong> <strong>ca</strong>stles, as well as in the s<strong>ca</strong>le <strong>of</strong> church building, and in the destruction <strong>of</strong><br />

ordinary houses, but in other respects there was no change: house types, burial practice, pottery<br />

and even coinage continued uninterrupted. <strong>The</strong> year AD 1000, or perhaps 1050, might be better<br />

be<strong>ca</strong>use neither <strong>ca</strong>rries the overwhelming histori<strong>ca</strong>l message embodied in ‘1066’.<br />

SOURCES<br />

Even <strong>from</strong> the earlier centuries, two major narrative sources survive, the De Excidio Britanniae by<br />

Gildas (Winterbottom 1978) and the Historia Ecclesiasti<strong>ca</strong> by Bede (Colgrave and Mynors 1969),<br />

although they could both be seen as <strong>ca</strong>sting as much darkness as light on the period, partly,<br />

paradoxi<strong>ca</strong>lly, be<strong>ca</strong>use they are so persuasive in the picture they present. Both authors had messages<br />

to convey; neither was attempting to write ‘objective’ history and neither is easily verifiable outside<br />

their own writings, which themselves constitute the main sources for the periods about which (or<br />

during which) they wrote. For the fifth century, only one <strong>of</strong> them is really independent, since<br />

Bede drew heavily on Gildas for this period.<br />

Gildas is usually described as a monk who wrote in the sixth century in south-western <strong>Britain</strong>,<br />

although this is not fully demonstrable. He was an edu<strong>ca</strong>ted British Christian cleric, but not<br />

necessarily a monk at the time <strong>of</strong> writing. His precise dates are not clear, although his life must

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