The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
Roman Britain: civil and rural society • 167 • RELIGION Many rural sites yield evidence for religious observance, and the study of the archaeological and epigraphic evidence for religion and ritual have long been an important area for the assessment of the degree of continuity of native cult on the one hand, and the changes wrought by Roman introductions on the other (Henig 1984). Conventionally, religions in Roman Britain have been classified according to whether they related to the state pantheon of Rome, or were indigenous, or were imported eastern ‘mystery’ cults. The aspects of religion fossilized in the archaeological record reveal little about the actual belief- and value-systems of the religion or about the views and practices of the individual worshipper. For these, written evidence is required, hence the paradox that the imperial and mystery cults are relatively well understood, whereas the far more widespread indigenous cults are only obliquely illuminated. The worship of the state deities, of Roma, of living and dead emperors and the imperial house was one of the ways in which Rome tried to impose some common loyalty and ideology on a vast and disparate Empire. In Britain, the bulk of the evidence for these observances comes from the military areas of the north and west. In part, this is a reflection of the political imperative of ensuring the loyalty of the army, but it also reflects the fact that the overwhelming majority of surviving inscriptions come from these areas. In the civil south and east, the ‘epigraphic habit’ does not seem to have caught on, the relative shortage of inscriptions being accentuated by the disappearance of Roman stone into later buildings. Nonetheless, the imposing Temple of the Deified Claudius at Colchester, which was the centre of the provincial cult, and fragmentary epigraphic evidence elsewhere, show that the state cults were observed. Serving as a priest of one of these cults would have been one of the prestigious posts open to members of the local elites. For the bulk of the population, however, it was the cults with their origins in prehistory and often very localized that shaped their day-to-day lives and attitudes. The evidence for these is most easily identified at temples. Sharing a very similar distribution with towns and villas, temples were almost all built not to the Classical plan, like the Parthenon, but to the so-called Romano-Celtic plan of a square within a square, or sometimes to a double-circle or doublepolygon plan. These temples were small and designed for the ministrations of priests or individual worshippers, not to contain congregations. Many temples stood within a precinct or temenos, sometimes containing ancillary structures as at Lydney or Uley (both in Gloucestershire) (Figure 9.7). These temene could have accommodated large numbers of worshippers at festivals. Also associated with temple Figure 9.7 West Hill, Uley, Gloucestershire. The Romano-Celtic temple (centre) and ancillary buildings in the third/fourth centuries. Source: Woodward, A. and Leach, P., 1993. The Uley Shrines: excavation of a ritual complex on West Hill, Uley, Gloucestershire: 1977–9. London: English Heritage Archaeological Report 17
• 168 • Simon Esmonde Cleary sites are altars, sculptures and various forms of votive deposit, of which the single most interesting is the assemblage of over 12,000 coins, other offerings and inscribed curse-tablets (defixiones) from Bath (Cunliffe and Davenport 1988). Religion in relation to earlier practices The study of pagan religion in the civil areas of Roman Britain has been much conditioned by the problem of the extent to which it represents a continuum from the ill-understood religious world of the Later Iron Age. This, as so often, has stemmed from epigraphic and literary sources. Inscriptions reveal the practice of interpretatio romana, the conflation of native with Roman deities, such as the goddess Sulis Minerva at Bath or the god Mars Rigonemetos (King of the Grove) from Nettleham (Lincolnshire). The better-known classical deity can be used as a guide to aspects of the native. Also called in aid are the early Welsh and Irish myth and hero stories, which give some insight into Celtic religious beliefs and practices. Sometimes these sources can provide a context for elements observable in the archaeological record, such as the importance of the number three, of the head, or of springs and other places involving water. They can also suggest some ways of approaching some of the otherwise inscrutable sculptures and symbols from Romano-British religious sites. It is clearly dangerous, however, to make simple links between sources of evidence so widely different in type, time and context (Wait 1985). More secure evidence for the continuance of Late Iron Age observances into the Roman period comes from those Romano-Celtic temples that overlie Iron Age predecessors, as at Hayling Island (Hampshire). Nevertheless, it should be remembered that worship at temples and the use of features such as altars and sculpture derive from Mediterranean practice. Even the deposit at Bath, though placed in a spring as in later prehistory, consisted of a range of objects very different from those in comparable Iron Age contexts, and the curse-tablets were inscribed throughout in Latin. Oriental cults; Christianity A feature of the Later Roman period was the appearance of evidence for the oriental ‘mystery’ cults in the civil areas of the Province. These offered some form of salvation or life after death to those initiated into the cult, in return for right belief and action in this life. Though again more common at military sites, the civil areas have evidence for the worship of Isis and of Mithras from London, and from there and elsewhere for the cults of Cybele and of Serapis. Ultimately, the most successful of these religions was Christianity (Thomas 1981). There is increasing evidence for Christianity amongst the urban and land-owning rural classes in the fourth century. Churches (albeit small ones) are suggested at Lincoln (Figure 9.10) and Silchester, and fonts are known from the Saxon Shore fort at Richborough (Chapter 8) and the ‘small’ town of Icklingham. From the ‘small’ town of Chesterton/Water Newton (Cambridgeshire) comes a hoard of Christian silver plate. The villas at Frampton and Hinton St Mary (Dorset) (Figure 9.8) and Lullingstone (Kent) had Christian mosaics and wall-paintings respectively. That Christianity should have made head-way amongst the upper classes in the fourth century is unsurprising, given the amount of imperial patronage and privileges the religion was granted. More difficult to assess is the spread of ‘lower class’ Christianity, due to problems in how to identify it if it did not leave substantial remains. Some large fourth-century cemeteries, such as Poundbury, Dorchester (Dorset), have been claimed as Christian on the basis of east-west inhumation with no grave goods, but in truth this just seems to have been the general rite in Late Roman Britain and is not necessarily related to religious affiliation, which had little effect on Roman burial practice. It was, of course, this Romano-British tradition of Christianity, reinforced from Gaul, that was to persist in the British Isles as ‘Celtic’ Christianity. Early in the fifth century, it also produced the Romano- Britons Pelagius the heretic and Patricius, better known as Patrick, apostle of the Irish.
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• 168 • Simon Esmonde Cleary<br />
sites are altars, sculptures and various forms <strong>of</strong> votive deposit, <strong>of</strong> which the single most interesting<br />
is the assemblage <strong>of</strong> over 12,000 coins, other <strong>of</strong>ferings and inscribed curse-tablets (defixiones)<br />
<strong>from</strong> Bath (Cunliffe and Davenport 1988).<br />
Religion in relation to earlier practices<br />
<strong>The</strong> study <strong>of</strong> pagan religion in the civil areas <strong>of</strong> Roman <strong>Britain</strong> has been much conditioned by<br />
the problem <strong>of</strong> the extent to which it represents a continuum <strong>from</strong> the ill-understood religious<br />
world <strong>of</strong> the Later Iron Age. This, as so <strong>of</strong>ten, has stemmed <strong>from</strong> epigraphic and literary sources.<br />
Inscriptions reveal the practice <strong>of</strong> interpretatio romana, the conflation <strong>of</strong> native with Roman deities,<br />
such as the goddess Sulis Minerva at Bath or the god Mars Rigonemetos (King <strong>of</strong> the Grove)<br />
<strong>from</strong> Nettleham (Lincolnshire). <strong>The</strong> better-known classi<strong>ca</strong>l deity <strong>ca</strong>n be used as a guide to aspects<br />
<strong>of</strong> the native. Also <strong>ca</strong>lled in aid are the early Welsh and Irish myth and hero stories, which give<br />
some insight into Celtic religious beliefs and practices. Sometimes these sources <strong>ca</strong>n provide a<br />
context for elements observable in the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l record, such as the importance <strong>of</strong> the<br />
number three, <strong>of</strong> the head, or <strong>of</strong> springs and other places involving water. <strong>The</strong>y <strong>ca</strong>n also suggest<br />
some ways <strong>of</strong> approaching some <strong>of</strong> the otherwise inscrutable sculptures and symbols <strong>from</strong><br />
Romano-British religious sites. It is clearly dangerous, however, to make simple links between<br />
sources <strong>of</strong> evidence so widely different in type, time and context (Wait 1985). More secure evidence<br />
for the continuance <strong>of</strong> Late Iron Age observances into the Roman period comes <strong>from</strong> those<br />
Romano-Celtic temples that overlie Iron Age predecessors, as at Hayling Island (Hampshire).<br />
Nevertheless, it should be remembered that worship at temples and the use <strong>of</strong> features such as<br />
altars and sculpture derive <strong>from</strong> Mediterranean practice. Even the deposit at Bath, though placed<br />
in a spring as in later prehistory, consisted <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong> objects very different <strong>from</strong> those in<br />
comparable Iron Age contexts, and the curse-tablets were inscribed throughout in Latin.<br />
Oriental cults; Christianity<br />
A feature <strong>of</strong> the Later Roman period was the appearance <strong>of</strong> evidence for the oriental ‘mystery’<br />
cults in the civil areas <strong>of</strong> the Province. <strong>The</strong>se <strong>of</strong>fered some form <strong>of</strong> salvation or life after death<br />
to those initiated into the cult, in return for right belief and action in this life. Though again more<br />
common at military sites, the civil areas have evidence for the worship <strong>of</strong> Isis and <strong>of</strong> Mithras<br />
<strong>from</strong> London, and <strong>from</strong> there and elsewhere for the cults <strong>of</strong> Cybele and <strong>of</strong> Serapis. Ultimately,<br />
the most successful <strong>of</strong> these religions was Christianity (Thomas 1981). <strong>The</strong>re is increasing evidence<br />
for Christianity amongst the urban and land-owning rural classes in the fourth century.<br />
Churches (albeit small ones) are suggested at Lincoln (Figure 9.10) and Silchester, and fonts<br />
are known <strong>from</strong> the Saxon Shore fort at Richborough (Chapter 8) and the ‘small’ town <strong>of</strong><br />
Icklingham. From the ‘small’ town <strong>of</strong> Chesterton/Water Newton (Cambridgeshire) comes a hoard<br />
<strong>of</strong> Christian silver plate. <strong>The</strong> villas at Frampton and Hinton St Mary (Dorset) (Figure 9.8) and<br />
Lullingstone (Kent) had Christian mosaics and wall-paintings respectively. That Christianity should<br />
have made head-way amongst the upper classes in the fourth century is unsurprising, given the<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> imperial patronage and privileges the religion was granted. More difficult to assess is<br />
the spread <strong>of</strong> ‘lower class’ Christianity, due to problems in how to identify it if it did not leave<br />
substantial remains. Some large fourth-century cemeteries, such as Poundbury, Dorchester (Dorset),<br />
have been claimed as Christian on the basis <strong>of</strong> east-west inhumation with no grave goods, but in<br />
truth this just seems to have been the general rite in Late Roman <strong>Britain</strong> and is not necessarily<br />
related to religious affiliation, which had little effect on Roman burial practice. It was, <strong>of</strong> course,<br />
this Romano-British tradition <strong>of</strong> Christianity, reinforced <strong>from</strong> Gaul, that was to persist in the<br />
British Isles as ‘Celtic’ Christianity. Early in the fifth century, it also produced the Romano-<br />
Britons Pelagius the heretic and Patricius, better known as Patrick, apostle <strong>of</strong> the Irish.