The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca
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• 132 • Colin Haselgrove<br />
through indigenous exchange networks as cross-Channel contacts once again intensified. From<br />
20 BC, however, south-east England was increasingly influenced by the Romanized culture<br />
emerging in northern France. Imported brooch, coin and pottery types were widely copied and<br />
the range <strong>of</strong> imports diversified. Differing attitudes to the body and changes in personal appearance<br />
are suggested by the use <strong>of</strong> toilet instruments, while the new vessel forms indi<strong>ca</strong>te differences in<br />
the way in which food and drink were prepared and served. A degree <strong>of</strong> literacy is implied by the<br />
use <strong>of</strong> Roman style inscriptions on coins, and by graffiti on pottery, although the latter could be<br />
the work <strong>of</strong> foreign traders.<br />
CURRENT PROBLEMS AND PERCEPTIONS<br />
Little is known for certain about how Iron Age societies were organized. Until recently, this<br />
theme was usually approached by extrapolating <strong>from</strong> texts relating to the Celtic-speaking peoples<br />
<strong>of</strong> Gaul and (much later in time) Ireland. However, the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l record implies that the<br />
social and politi<strong>ca</strong>l organization <strong>of</strong> individual Celtic peoples differed signifi<strong>ca</strong>ntly, while Classi<strong>ca</strong>l<br />
authors consistently treat the Britons as distinct <strong>from</strong> the Gauls. Modern ex<strong>ca</strong>vation has shown<br />
that the surviving Iron Age material is much less straightforward to interpret than was previously<br />
realized, for the ritual deposits placed in many settlement contexts produce a distorted and selective<br />
picture <strong>of</strong> everyday life (Champion and Collis 1996; Gwilt and Haselgrove 1997). We <strong>ca</strong>n no<br />
longer speak confidently <strong>of</strong> rich or poor inhabitants, or even <strong>of</strong> diet, without <strong>ca</strong>reful analysis <strong>of</strong><br />
the formation processes <strong>of</strong> the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l record.<br />
For the Early and Middle Iron Age, the existence <strong>of</strong> socio-politi<strong>ca</strong>l hierarchies has come<br />
under scrutiny, since even extensively ex<strong>ca</strong>vated settlements yield remarkably little evidence <strong>of</strong><br />
elites (Hill 1995a; 1995b). Unless visible signs <strong>of</strong> ranking were deliberately suppressed, relatively<br />
low levels <strong>of</strong> social differentiation are probably indi<strong>ca</strong>ted. <strong>The</strong> reduction in the number <strong>of</strong> occupied<br />
hillforts after 300 BC nonetheless suggests some concentration <strong>of</strong> power at this time.<br />
Archaeologists are also actively questioning whether the substantial houses found on Iron Age<br />
settlements in northern <strong>Britain</strong> represent high status dwellings within a hierarchi<strong>ca</strong>l social system,<br />
or served to express the identity <strong>of</strong> individual households in more egalitarian structures (Hingley<br />
1992). In practice, no single model <strong>ca</strong>n possibly account for the strong regional differences apparent,<br />
and answers will have to be sought at increasingly lo<strong>ca</strong>l levels.<br />
<strong>The</strong> view <strong>of</strong> the period as dominated by endemic warfare is being overturned. Although<br />
particular groups <strong>of</strong> hillforts were possibly constructed in response to military crises, and several<br />
sites show signs <strong>of</strong> conflict, warfare need not have been any more frequent than in other prehistoric<br />
societies. Indeed, evidence <strong>of</strong> wounding and violent death is not especially common in<br />
the known Iron Age burials. <strong>The</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> fortified enclosures appears to have been<br />
connected as much with status as with defence. Many settlements become increasingly ostentatious<br />
with time, but the embellishments were <strong>of</strong>ten confined to their most conspicuous sectors,<br />
suggesting that military considerations were not uppermost.<br />
Debate continues over the relative importance <strong>of</strong> internal and external factors in the changes<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Late Iron Age. To what extent should this economic and social differentiation be regarded<br />
as a culmination <strong>of</strong> indigenous processes that were already underway by the Middle Iron Age?<br />
While Roman imperialism was increasingly influential in southern <strong>Britain</strong> <strong>from</strong> 20 BC, did the<br />
pre-existing cultural contacts with northern France have an equally signifi<strong>ca</strong>nt role? Whether<br />
innovations such as coinage and literacy are symptomatic <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ound structural changes, such<br />
as the emergence <strong>of</strong> a market economy, or centralized kingship, remains debatable. Much <strong>of</strong> the<br />
evidence is at best ambiguous. Coinage, for example, appears to have served largely for politi<strong>ca</strong>l,<br />
social and religious purposes, and few finds <strong>ca</strong>n be convincingly interpreted as losses <strong>from</strong>