The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca The Archaeology of Britain: An introduction from ... - waughfamily.ca

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The Later Bronze Age • 107 • do not tell us much about the social context of manufacture and usage, and even their location does not always coincide with the distribution of finds of similar finished objects. Two examples can illustrate some further problems in understanding the production and use of bronze. At Flag Fen, many of the items deposited in the water were of poor quality, and unsuitable for functional use; one of the swords was a miniature. Some items were of tin, and there is also nearby evidence for the casting of tin. It is probable that these items were made specially for deposition; their form seems to have been more important than their technical quality, and they had no ‘use’ except to be deposited. The second example concerns the role of axes in the Later Bronze Age. There are many hoards that contain a large number of axes, many of them broken; at the end of the Bronze Age, there is a particular type of socketed axe found in considerable quantities in Brittany and southern England. These ‘Armorican axes’ are highly standardized in size and weight, and show little sign of use; some are even made of pure lead. They were produced as standard quantities of metal, for their value as a commodity for exchange rather than as functioning axes, and pose the question whether the large numbers of axes found from earlier phases may have been used in the same way. These examples suggest that caution is required in inferring a utilitarian function from form, or assuming modern concepts of quality, and that archaeologists should in general be careful in trying to apply concepts derived from modern economic systems to the Bronze Age. The major factors influencing the presence of bronzes in the archaeological record are the patterns of prehistoric deposition and modern recovery. One common method of describing them, using terms such as stray finds, settlement or river finds, or hoards, reveals more about how and where the objects were found than about how or why they were deposited. Many items are found on their own, without further archaeological context; little can be said about such ‘stray finds’, but this may be due mostly to the circumstances of recovery. Finds from settlement sites are rare, consisting mainly of small or broken items, which might be understood as casual losses, but some such finds suggest more deliberate deposition. The dump of metalworking material in the ditch at Springfield Lyons was a deliberate ritual act, and the finds of metal from a ditch at Petters Sportsfield, Surrey, may have been a similar ritual deposit associated with the abandonment of the site (Needham 1990). One important locus for deposition was in watery places such as rivers, lakes and bogs (Bradley 1990, 97–154). These may be called hoards if they are found together, for instance in a dried-up fen or a drained lake, but they were assembled as a result of many individual acts of deposition over a long period, made with the intention that the items should not be retrieved. We have already seen the evidence from Flag Fen; there are other concentrations of metalwork elsewhere in the Fens, in the River Thames, in lakes such as Duddingston Loch in Edinburgh, and many other wet places. Previous explanations invoking casual loss in transit or battle must be rejected, and we must recognize a deliberate practice of ritual deposition. Items selected for such deposition were a carefully selected and unrepresentative sample of the available repertoire of bronze, and the meaning associated with individual forms was obviously very significant. The possible implications of such a practice of votive deposits are discussed below. The final type of bronze find to be considered are the hoards found on dry land. These appear to be deposited in a single act, and therefore raise two separate questions: about the reasons for assembling the collection and the reasons for depositing and not subsequently recovering it. Some of these hoards have been classified on the basis of their contents: ‘personal hoards’ are the ornaments assumed to have been owned by an individual; ‘craftsmen’s hoards’ contain the tools of a specialist such as a carpenter or metalsmith; and ‘merchants’ hoards’ include newly finished items awaiting distribution. Many hoards, as we have seen, contain scrap or axes representing an exchange commodity, and these were assembled as part of the process of recycling

• 108 • Timothy Champion and redistributing bronze metal. Many of these hoards contain items on the periphery of their known distribution, and these hoards are particularly frequent in marginal locations such as the lower Thames Estuary. Like the French objects interrupted in transit by the Dover shipwreck, the items in these hoards may have been assembled for redistribution to another region, their value being more as a commodity for exchange than in their specific form. This explanation does not fit every such hoard, nor will it account for all the regional and chronological patterns of variation in hoard composition. Above all, it does not address the question of why the hoards were deposited. Some appear to have been deposited within settlements, but many were not. The hiding of hoards for security at times of unrest or danger is a wellknown practice, of which a certain proportion were inevitably never found again, and this may account for at least some of the Later Bronze Age finds. Nevertheless, it does conjure up an extraordinary picture of a very disturbed period if so many such concealed hoards were never recovered, and other ideas need to be explored. Although some items, especially small ones, may have been accidentally lost, and in other cases people may have been prevented from recovering deliberately concealed objects, we should perhaps think of the vast majority of bronze finds as the result of deliberate deposition with no intention of recovery. Whether found singly or in large collections, within settlements or isolated, in wet places or dry, these objects were deposited as part of a widespread and long-lasting practice of ritual deposition. Some evidence for association with the abandonment of sites and the disposal of the dead has been mentioned above, but such acts of deposition may have been part of many different rituals. These deposits show considerable regional and chronological variation, but some broad patterns emerge, especially in the selection of weaponry. In south-eastern Britain, many hoards include swords with a characteristic long tip (which is responsible for them being named Carp’s Tongue swords), spearheads and associated items from belt fittings or even a sort of uniform; this set of equipment is also found in northern and western France. Elsewhere in southern England, spears are the commonest weapons; in much of the midland region there are hoards containing a typical form of barbed spearhead, termed the Broadward type; and in the north, hoards are dominated by swords, particularly of the Ewart Park type. LATER BRONZE AGE SOCIETY The changes in economy, technology, material culture and ritual described above all add up to a major transformation of society in the Later Bronze Age. The ritual monuments and burials that had formed such an important part of the archaeological record of the Earlier Bronze Age, and were the prime focus for the playing out of social relationships and claims to authority at that time, had gone out of use. In their place, new sources of prestige and new social opportunities are apparent. The general lack of a regularly recoverable burial rite does not mean that human remains were disposed of with any less respect, or that such ceremonies were no longer the occasion of elaborate rituals; it just means that, whatever they did with the dead, we cannot regularly find it (Brück 1995). Deposits in rivers may have been associated with skeletal remains; there is also some evidence for excarnation and continued use of cremation. Whatever methods of disposal were adopted, the ancestors no longer played the same central role as before, and new forms of social activity, with their related material culture, were introduced. Four such themes can be recognized. The most obvious is the conspicuous consumption of wealth through the ritual deposition of bronze. Such deposits were an indication of an individual’s status and, in particular, control over

<strong>The</strong> Later Bronze Age<br />

• 107 •<br />

do not tell us much about the social context <strong>of</strong> manufacture and usage, and even their lo<strong>ca</strong>tion<br />

does not always coincide with the distribution <strong>of</strong> finds <strong>of</strong> similar finished objects.<br />

Two examples <strong>ca</strong>n illustrate some further problems in understanding the production and use<br />

<strong>of</strong> bronze. At Flag Fen, many <strong>of</strong> the items deposited in the water were <strong>of</strong> poor quality, and<br />

unsuitable for functional use; one <strong>of</strong> the swords was a miniature. Some items were <strong>of</strong> tin, and<br />

there is also nearby evidence for the <strong>ca</strong>sting <strong>of</strong> tin. It is probable that these items were made<br />

specially for deposition; their form seems to have been more important than their techni<strong>ca</strong>l<br />

quality, and they had no ‘use’ except to be deposited. <strong>The</strong> second example concerns the role <strong>of</strong><br />

axes in the Later Bronze Age. <strong>The</strong>re are many hoards that contain a large number <strong>of</strong> axes, many<br />

<strong>of</strong> them broken; at the end <strong>of</strong> the Bronze Age, there is a particular type <strong>of</strong> socketed axe found in<br />

considerable quantities in Brittany and southern England. <strong>The</strong>se ‘Armori<strong>ca</strong>n axes’ are highly<br />

standardized in size and weight, and show little sign <strong>of</strong> use; some are even made <strong>of</strong> pure lead.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y were produced as standard quantities <strong>of</strong> metal, for their value as a commodity for exchange<br />

rather than as functioning axes, and pose the question whether the large numbers <strong>of</strong> axes found<br />

<strong>from</strong> earlier phases may have been used in the same way. <strong>The</strong>se examples suggest that <strong>ca</strong>ution is<br />

required in inferring a utilitarian function <strong>from</strong> form, or assuming modern concepts <strong>of</strong> quality,<br />

and that archaeologists should in general be <strong>ca</strong>reful in trying to apply concepts derived <strong>from</strong><br />

modern economic systems to the Bronze Age.<br />

<strong>The</strong> major factors influencing the presence <strong>of</strong> bronzes in the archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l record are the<br />

patterns <strong>of</strong> prehistoric deposition and modern recovery. One common method <strong>of</strong> describing<br />

them, using terms such as stray finds, settlement or river finds, or hoards, reveals more about how<br />

and where the objects were found than about how or why they were deposited. Many items are<br />

found on their own, without further archaeologi<strong>ca</strong>l context; little <strong>ca</strong>n be said about such ‘stray<br />

finds’, but this may be due mostly to the circumstances <strong>of</strong> recovery. Finds <strong>from</strong> settlement sites<br />

are rare, consisting mainly <strong>of</strong> small or broken items, which might be understood as <strong>ca</strong>sual losses,<br />

but some such finds suggest more deliberate deposition. <strong>The</strong> dump <strong>of</strong> metalworking material in<br />

the ditch at Springfield Lyons was a deliberate ritual act, and the finds <strong>of</strong> metal <strong>from</strong> a ditch at<br />

Petters Sportsfield, Surrey, may have been a similar ritual deposit associated with the abandonment<br />

<strong>of</strong> the site (Needham 1990).<br />

One important locus for deposition was in watery places such as rivers, lakes and bogs (Bradley<br />

1990, 97–154). <strong>The</strong>se may be <strong>ca</strong>lled hoards if they are found together, for instance in a dried-up<br />

fen or a drained lake, but they were assembled as a result <strong>of</strong> many individual acts <strong>of</strong> deposition<br />

over a long period, made with the intention that the items should not be retrieved. We have<br />

already seen the evidence <strong>from</strong> Flag Fen; there are other concentrations <strong>of</strong> metalwork elsewhere<br />

in the Fens, in the River Thames, in lakes such as Duddingston Loch in Edinburgh, and many<br />

other wet places. Previous explanations invoking <strong>ca</strong>sual loss in transit or battle must be rejected,<br />

and we must recognize a deliberate practice <strong>of</strong> ritual deposition. Items selected for such deposition<br />

were a <strong>ca</strong>refully selected and unrepresentative sample <strong>of</strong> the available repertoire <strong>of</strong> bronze, and<br />

the meaning associated with individual forms was obviously very signifi<strong>ca</strong>nt. <strong>The</strong> possible<br />

impli<strong>ca</strong>tions <strong>of</strong> such a practice <strong>of</strong> votive deposits are discussed below.<br />

<strong>The</strong> final type <strong>of</strong> bronze find to be considered are the hoards found on dry land. <strong>The</strong>se<br />

appear to be deposited in a single act, and therefore raise two separate questions: about the<br />

reasons for assembling the collection and the reasons for depositing and not subsequently<br />

recovering it. Some <strong>of</strong> these hoards have been classified on the basis <strong>of</strong> their contents: ‘personal<br />

hoards’ are the ornaments assumed to have been owned by an individual; ‘craftsmen’s hoards’<br />

contain the tools <strong>of</strong> a specialist such as a <strong>ca</strong>rpenter or metalsmith; and ‘merchants’ hoards’ include<br />

newly finished items awaiting distribution. Many hoards, as we have seen, contain scrap or axes<br />

representing an exchange commodity, and these were assembled as part <strong>of</strong> the process <strong>of</strong> recycling

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