Chapter Two - The Library of Iberian Resources Online

THE LIBRARY OF IBERIAN RESOURCES ONLINE
GUATEMALA VILLAGES OF THE 16TH CENTURY
Dan Stanislawski
Chapter Two
ENCOMIENDA DEVELOPMENT IN CENTRAL AMERICA
The encomienda, an organizational device to maintain a functioning relation between those who
worked and those who profited by it had had a long history in Spain. It has been described by Lesley
Simpson (1960, pp. 3-4):
"In the late Roman Empire, when the tax-collector had become the common enemy of society, the
oppressed peasantry of Spain gained some relief by putting themselves under the protection of the
more powerful nobles. By the commendatio the peasant undertook to cultivate the lands, or work the
mines, or whatever, of his patron, in exchange for protection against his enemies. When the
Romans withdrew from Spain in the fifth century the commendatio apparently became the basis
for the feudal contract under the Goths, by which the peasant was bound to the soil (glebeserfdom)
and was bought and sold with it. This was the civil application of commendatio."
The religious application was equally ancient. By it the older Christians took new converts under their
tutelage and endeavored to teach them to walk in the paths of righteousness. Both concepts were
behind the encomienda of Granada by which the moslem communities were given in trust to their
Spanish conquerors, with the responsibility of governing and converting the infidels, who, in exchange,
worked the lands, mines, etc., of their overlords, or paid them tribute in money or kind. Queen
Isabela, ..... in a cedula of December 20, 1503 instructed her newly appointed Governor of the Indies,
Nicolás de Ovando, to transfer the institution to Española.
It is clear on the record that for two generations after the queen's instructions to Ovando the limits to
greed were vague, and the size and distribution of rewards were determined by individual rivalries. It is
also evident that some of the conquerors used the encomienda to make oppressive demands. That
condition led to attempts by the Crown to change the New World encomienda from crass exploitation
into a device that would still reward the conquerors, guarantee labor, introduce Christianity, but also
would show some degree of humanity.
Marroquin comments - 1532
In 1532, Francisco Marroquin—then merely "lawyer", later, "bishop"—following instructions given by
the Royal Audiencia in Mexico City reported on the tributes paid to encomenderos in the southwestern
part of present El Salvador. The document gives us some understanding of early colonial conditions
(Marroquin, 1968). The area covered by the report was essentially that of the "Pipil Kingdom" of
Cuzcatlan (Fowler, '89, p. 139). It did not include the area known as "Los lzalcos"(the southwestern
corner of present El Salvador, including much of the departments of Ahuachapan and Sonsonate) which
had been appropriated by encomenderos and provincial authorities of Santiago de Guatemala, nor did it
include - with some exceptions- towns north of the eastward flowing Lempa River, nor those to the east

of its southward course. Those exclaves were described, somewhat vaguely as being "in the Chontales",
an area whose Indians were reported by Pedro de Alvarado as being "perverse, bad, and bellicose", and
by other Spaniards who said "the Chontal Indians were cannibals who killed and robbed their peaceful
neighbors". For these reasons the encomenderos sought permission from the Crown to enslave them.
Also, "they lived in lands difficult of access" which made them difficult to pacify (Sherman, pp. 26,
217). The problem for the Spaniards was one of broken territory, difficulty of access, held by Indians
who perversely resisted conquest.
These were "unreduced" areas, poorly known—or unknown to Spaniards—but from which there was
hope of profit. For example, Sancho de Figueroa testified that he held part of a pueblo named Aganyla
in the Chontales in his encomienda, but that he knew nothing about it. Alonso de Alvarado testified that
he held two pueblos in the Chontales but that the number of houses was not known because they "were
at war." Miguel Diaz testified similarly regarding a town that was in his encomienda.
The names of fifty-seven encomenderos appeared in the 1532 document but only twenty-seven of those
appeared on the tribute list of 1548 (See supplement no. 7): that is to say, more than one half of those
men had disappeared in the sixteen year period, most of them, it seems, without heirs. It may be
assumed that the men were, for the most part, vigorous and young: life was short for most of the
conquerors.
Of the twenty-seven whose names did appear, fifteen held larger encomiendas, ten had lost tributaries,
and two controlled about the same numbers. Of the fifteen who gained, most had modest increases, but
four men had gained considerably: Juan Garcia Matamoros acquired 370 more tributaries than he had
held, mostly by the acquisition of the town of Potonico in modern Chalatenango province, a name that
did not appear on the 1532 list. An increase almost as large—332--was that of Antonio Docampo. He
had held a large number of tributaries in 1532 (600 putatively. The exact number was probably
unknown). He had relinquished a laim to the town by the 1536-41 period in the acquisition of several
other towns made available by the deaths of other encomenderos. Garcia de Alfaro also took over the
properties of two deceased men. Juan de Medina gave up claim to two towns but acquired the very
important town, Çacatecoluca, with 400 tributaries.
The ten decreases totalled slightly more than had the fifteen increases. Three decreases seem striking:
the largest was that of Christoval Ceron, whose town of Apocopa may have been over-estimated in
1532, and the population of his town Aguachi, in unknown territory (Chontales) may have been mostly
imagination. The large decrease may not have been real. Nuñez de Guzman's holdings of 1532
similarly may have been inflated and his loss less than appears. The case of Miguel Diaz is baffling.
Why should he have given up his part of Xalocinagua to keep the remote town of Arcatao? It may have
been a case of choosing the sole control of relatively prosperous town, even though it was remote.
Two encomenderos held about the same number of tributaries in 1548 as in 1532. In each case the
original towns were materially diminished but additional tributaries were added from other towns.
The fractional amounts of tributaries shown for some encomenderos represented earlier divisions and
were only approximations. For example, in 1532 Garcia de Alfaro held "one half" of the town of Coyo,
with 100 tributaries; The other "half", with 120 tributaries, was held by Gines Muñoz. The 1548 tribute
list showed Alfaro's "half" as including 108 tributaries. The "half" under Muñoz in 1532 had become,
in 1548, part of the encomienda of Christoval de Campos. The number of tributaries was then shown to
be 60.
As there were forty four encomenderos in 1548, seventeen newcomers had been granted encomiendas
(see supplement no. 8). The names of a large proportion of them were not further recorded in history,
and most had been granted moderate size encomiendas of towns whose earlier encomenderos had died,
but a few names stand out. The most prominent is that of Hernan Perez, who had been one of the

conquerors of Guatemala with Pedro de Alvarado . He was not in San Salvador province in 1532, but
some time afterward he had acquired a large encomienda: by 1548 his minor sons had inherited one
with 570 tributaries, including the town of Cuxutepeque with 400. In 1532 that town had been divided
between three men: Puella, Rodrigo Diaz, and Sancho de Figueroa. The first two had died by 1548;
Figueroa had been compensated by the allotment ot two other towns.
Also listed as having come to Guatemala at the time of the conquest (having come with Pedro de
Portocarrero), was Louis Dubois. It seems that this man's French name looked or sounded like Luis
Dibues to the Spanish scribes. He was thus listed - and with 260 tributaries ("Adiciones y aclaraciones"
section of Tomo II of the 1883 Madrid edition of Fuentes y Guzman). Two others of the newcomers
who were allotted more than the average number of tributaries were Bartolome Garcia and Lope Pardo.
In Marroquin's report of 1532, a few of the items of tribute were mentioned, but obviously not all; and
amounts were not given. The inquiry basic to the report is indicative of early, stumbling attempts on the
part of Crown officials to curb the excesses of the encomenderos; but the instructions were apparently
vague, and the answers evasive and with an obvious belittling of the quality of the holdings; but it was
the land that was disparaged, the number of tributaries held seem to be given fully, and perhaps even
augmented, and claims of production probably were more hopeful than real. For example Alonso de
Alvarado testified to holding two pueblos in the Chontales, named Cocoyagua and Tulua, "which were
at war and it is said that their number of houses is not known"; but later he testified that the number
would probably be 400 (p. 218). Cristoval Ceron testified that his town, Aguachi, had "come into peace
a few days previously" and "they say there may be 400 houses". Miguel Diaz testified that he held the
town of Xuzclan in the Chontales which was at war ("en guerra"). Under the circumstances it would
seem that making a count of tributary families would be impossible, yet he gave the number 280.
Perhaps encomenderos were trying to establish figures from which they could bargain with authorities
regarding future grants.
Gomez de Alvarado, brother of the adelantado, testified as to his holding of the pueblo called Nunualco
with "1,000 dwellings, more or less"; further, he testified that it was in hot, sterile, broken land and paid
as tribute very little maize, chickens, salt, fish, chili, and cotton textiles. Its people were "very poor" (p.
205). (The question of the Nonualcos is vexed. See the consideration of all the towns of the 1548-49
tribute list. The town that Gomez de Alvarado held in 1532 may have been Zacatecoluca).
Sancho de Figueroa (misspelled Figueria) testified that he held parts of two towns, that the Indians of
the towns made their planting of maize and beans (from which they paid his tribute), and they paid him
"some" chickens and other products of the land in support of him, his house and horse. From one of the
towns, the Indians paid both while and colored (striped?) textiles, honey, some chili, and olomina
( Fundulus guatemalensi), a prized small fish) from the lake. Apparently some sugar had been planted
for him and some bananas and lemons. But then, in testimony similar to that of Gomez de Alvarado,
the land was rocky, dry, and sterile. But one of the villages is near the sea and it was able to pay "some
fish, salt, chickens and a very little cacao" and, at times, white textiles. He also held part of a pueblo
named Aganyla in the Chontales about which he said he knew nothing (p.210).
Many towns listed in 1532 did not appear on the 1548-49 record. Absence from the later list could
indicate destruction of the town, absorption by another (congregacion ), or being included for purposes
of tribute as an annex of another town. More than one entry of the same town name indicates in a few
cases more than one town with the same name; but in the majority of such cases it indicates the
division of tributes of one town between more than one encomendero.
Some towns in 1548-49 listed higher population figures than did the same town in 1532. As the general
population had diminished, the increase must have been by the addition of populations of towns that
had been eliminated in the congregaciones.

The evidence of the tribute lists indicates that payments were vetted by the officials according to
encomiendas. Town payments varied widely and, in many cases, had been omitted, whereas those made
to encomenderos usually fell within expectable limits.
One view of the evolution of the encomienda in Central America may be seen in the record of a man
listed as Antonio Docampo. Although little is known about him (Kramer, Lovell, and Lutz. 1986, n.
54), he may have been with Pedro de Alvarado in the conquest of San Salvador: at least he was of
sufficient importance in the further exploitation of the region to be named as alcalde by Jorge de
Alvarado in 1529 and confirmed by Pedro de Alvarado in the following year (Remesal, Vol. 11, pp.
273-74), He appears in the Marroquin document of 1532 (p. 228), and again in the reports regarding
important encomenderos of 1536-'41 (Kramer, Lovell, and Lutz, 1986, pp. 367-69). In the tribute list of
1548, he is shown as holding the largest encomienda in the province of San Salvador, including the
town of Ciguateoacan (present Santa Ana), which apparently was later sold by Docampo for a large
sum of money to a relative of Cerrato (Sherman, '79, p. 169; Kramer, Lovell and Lutz '86, loc. cit.).
The document of 1532 shows him as holding one town, "Tecoylata", but gives no figures as to tribute
paid nor any suggestion of the importance of the town, except to note that it had 600 houses (i.e. heads
of houses: tributaries), a figure that may be dubious as he reported that it had been about a year since he
had visited the place. Furthermore, contradictions in his report may indicate that he really knew little—
perhaps nothing— about it. For example, in one place he expressed the opinion that the area would
probably be good for grazing animals; but later in the same report he suggested that it would not be
because it was swampy in the rainy season; that maize did not grow well because the area was hot and
the land sterile. Sugar cane had been planted but he could not say whether or not it would be
satisfactory. Fowler (p. 175) points out the curious fact that he did not mention cotton-growing of
which it was shown to be one of the most important producers in later reports. The Indians had built his
house and planted crops from which the tribute was paid. Among the payments were salt, fish, textiles
(ropa), and other supplies needed for the house, the encomendero and his horses. The Indians, he
reported, exchanged salt and fish for maize.
That he deprecated the value of the property was made evident in 1536-'41 (Kramer, Lovell and Lutz,
'86, pp.370-71) when it (Teculuca) was part of the encomienda of Cristoval la Cueva, and in 1548
(Teculuca, #1) when, albeit under the Crown, its tributes suggest a large population and large
production of several valuable products including 1500 lbs. of fish, 1,000 lbs. of cotton planted, and
2500 lbs. of salt. The town is not far from the Jiquilisco Lagoon and the Estero de Jaltepeque, both long
important for salt production (Andrews, 1983, pp. 105-06).
Although its payments may have been considerable, Docampo saw more value in other places. By the
1536-'41 period he had relinquished it to Cristoval cie la Cueva and had acquired four other towns:
Tonacatepeque, Xilopango, Cuyapango, and Ciguateguacan. The first three had been, in 1532, under
Juan de Aguilar (although the name Cuyapango does not appear on the list), who had held an
encomienda with 490 tributaries. By 1548 Aguilar had disappeared. Ciguateguacan was shown to be
held by Diego Usagre, who also had disappeared by 1548.
The tribute reductions made by the Cerrato reforms of 1548 can be seen in a comparison of the
payments made by the four towns in 1536-41 period with those of 1548.
The figures given below for maize, beans, cotton, and wheat signify fanegas of 100 lbs. each planted if
there is no abbreviation after them. With "pl.g" after them the signification is "planting" but with no
amount specified. Eggs are by dozens. Honey, given in cantaros , each of which is assumed to be an
arroba of 25 lbs. Beeswax is given in panes, these, too, are assumed to be arrobas. The figures given
below for these items signify pounds. Cacao is given in xiquipiles of 8,000 beans each. Figures for
chilis, fruit, salt, olomina, and vinegar represent pounds. Fruit was paid "when in season." Figures for

sandals (cutaras and alpargatas) represent pairs. Pottery, either pots (ollas), jugs (cantaros), or griddles
(comales), which were of the same value, are given in pieces, as are mats (petates).
Beans
Beeswax
Cacao
Chia
Cuyapango
Tonacatepeque Xilopango
Ciguateguacan
'36-41 '48
'36-41 '48 '36-41 '48
'36-41 '48
1 plg 200 --- --- 1 plg 100 1 plg ---
50 50
100 100 50 50
250 75
--- --- --- --- --- --- 500 350
1 pl
Chickens 208 156 104 48 --- 60 208 156
Chili 1 pl. 400 --- --- 1 plg. 200 1 plg. ---
Cotton 1 pl. 2 500 1 plg. 3 200 1 pl. 4 2 1pl. 5
Eggs 6 --- 156 --- 52 --- 104 --- 208
Fish 7 416 408 250 208
Fruit (8)
50
(8)
--- --- 50 (8)
50
Honey 50 50 50 25 50 25 125 75
Maize 20 16 8 6 8 7 30 14
Salt 250
Sandals

Cutaras 80 50 40 --- 30 --- 100 50
Alpargatas 100 80 40 50 40 50 100 50
Servants 9 6 4 3 2 1 2 10 4
Herders 10 4 1 1 4
Sweet
potatos
1pl. -- --- -- 1 pl. --- ---- ---
Xicamas
(Pachyrhizus
angulatus
Rich.)
1pl. --- --- --- 1 pl. --- ---- ---
1. Salvia spp. One planting was made in the earlier period, a planting of two celemines, about
seventeen pounds. None was planted at the other three towns in the period 1536-41. In 1548 two
celemines were to be planted at the town of Tonacatepeque.
2. From which various textiles and clothes were to be paid: 40 toldillos, 20 pieces of cloth for jubones
(garments reaching from shoulder to waist: Kramer et al, n. 57), 40 skirts (naguas), and 30 blouses
(huipiles ).
In the tribute list of 1548, the various garments had been eliminated and the tax was 300 toldillos.
3. From which 40 toldillos, and 25 mens' shirts (camisas de onbre) were to be paid. The 1548 tax was
simply 96 toldillos.
4. From which 20 toldillos, 20 skirts (naguas), and 20 pieces of cloth for jubones were to be paid. The
1548 tax was simply 100 toldillos.
5. From which 50 skirts (naguas ), 60 blouses (guipiles ), and 25 sheets (savanas) were to be paid. The
1548 tax was simply 100 toldillos.
6. Tonacatepeque was instructed to pay eggs "if they wish". For Xilopango the instruction was "as they
wish". Cuyapango was not required to pay them. Ciguateguacan, like Xilopango, could pay "as they
wish."
7. In 1536-'41, three towns paid fish "as they wish" or "if they wish." In Cuyapango they did not have
to decide whether or not "they wished." In the 1548 tribute list, only Ciguateguacan paid - four lbs. per
week.
8. "As they wish" or "if they wish".

9. Most of the servants reported in the 1536-'41 document, were used at the mines of Metapa: 6 from
Tonacatepeque, 2 from Xilopango, and 10 from Ciguateoacan. The others: 1 from Xilopango, and 1
from Cuyapango served in San Salvador.
10. Either herding had not developed sufficiently by the late 1530s or interest was concentrated on
mining. No herders were listed for the four towns in that period of time, but 10 were listed in 1548.
Livestock and pigs were mentioned for Aviles in San Miguel and for Perez Dardon, apparently none at
that time for Francisco de la Cueva. "Care for livestock" was mentioned for Cristobal de la Cueva. And
in the case of Docampo, the servants not involved in mining were only two. Herding was apparently
not important.
In addition to the above tributes, the following materials and services were to be supplied in 1536-41:
From Tonacatepeque: 20,000 lbs. of supplies for the mines of Metapa.
An obvious requirement veiled by cant appears in the statement "If, when the bearers of the supplies
are shown the necessity of repair of houses or construction of a "rancho" at the mines, they may do the
work".
Also required was care of livestock, repair of the sheds and of the encomendero's dwelling.
From Xilopango: Aid in the delivery of 20,000 lbs. of supplies for the mines of Metapa, "conforming to
possibility".
From Cuyapango:
All of the textiles could be exchanged - but for what and at what rate is not stated.
With sanctimony it is suggested that "the conscience of all pueblos is charged to provide the house with
maize and other necessities, care for livestock and sheds, maintenance of the house........each pueblo
according to its ability."
Also provisions of chili, beans, vegetables for the house and slaves were to be supplied.
If the Indians have a surplus of maize, they may exchange it for salt (as the Indians needed no
instructions in trade, the statement must have meant an additional levy of salt).
Pottery and mats (petates) to be supplied as necessary.
Repair of ox carts.
Another suggestion of pious benevolence is that "if the Indians want to go—for pay—to Gracias a Dios
with supplies for the house of the encomendero, he may send them."
The Indians are to supply products of hunting, and henequen for fetters, headstalls, and lead ropes
(sueltas, xaquimas, and cabestros) .
From Ciguateguacan:
Make sheds to store grain, gather fodder for livestock.
Cacao, wax, honey, and pita (henequen) to be put either in San Salvador or in Acaxutla (i.e. for
maritime trade. D. Stanislawski)
Maize, plaster if necessary, and wild game for the house.
The encomendero may exchange the textiles for other tribute.
30,000 lbs. of supplies for the mines.
Repairs of the house and other structures, including ox carts.

Food for the encomendero when he is in the pueblo.
"If they wish, the Indians may go, for pay, to bring supplies to the house in Gracias a Dios."
Henequen for fetters , headstalls and lead ropes.
Differences in Tribute Payments Between Those of 1536-41 and 1548-49
The first notable difference is in the absence of vagueness and casuistry in 1548-49, particularly with
regard to Indian labor. In 1536-41 the Indians were apparently to work under the guidance of that gem
of sophistry "theconscience of all pueblos is charged to provide the house with.............", or the Indians
were to make "a planting" with no specification as to the quantity of seed to be planted. Also such
phrases as "gather fodder", "repair the house, the sheds, the ox carts", etc. appeared without further
elaboration. Others: "as they wish", "as they may wish", "materials for the house", "as necessary",
appearing in 1536-41, all without precise figures, were replaced by exact figures and times in the 1548-
49 tribute list which had specifics. In the latter, payments were generally reduced from one fifth to one
half of those for which figures were stated in 1536-41.
Some information regarding the reductions made by the "Cerrato Reforms" appears in the document
showing payments of 1530-31 by the town of Huehuetenango to its encomendero Juan de Espinar. The
levy of textiles in 1530-31 was 800 mantas , 400 loincloths (masteles ), 400 jackets (xicoles ), 400
sleeveless blouses (guipiles ), 400 skirts (naguas ); also 400 sandals (cutaras ), 400 mats (petates ), and
large numbers of male and female servants and slaves to work either in the town or in his gold mines
(Kramer, Lovell, and Lutz, Washington, 1991).
In the tribute list of 1548-49, the clothing had all been eliminated, as had 400 mats, and the sandals.
The mantas had been reduced to 200. Chickens had been reduced from 2268 to 144. The servants
allotted were six.
More information regarding changes in the encomienda becomes apparent in a comparison of the
document of 1536-41 which reported on the holdings of five encomenderos , with the document of
1548-49. By the time of the later document consolidations had for the most part been made. Of the five
encomenderos, one, Antonio Docampo, had relinquished his one town but acquired four others.
Christoval de la Cueva's encomienda (See pp. 22-27) had been expropriated by the Crown. But three of
the encomenderos held the same towns in 1548-49 that they had held in 1536-41. Consideration of
those three follows.
Francisco de la Cueva
Weighty reasons may have made it wise for the dour Cerrato not to inquire too closely into the
encomienda of this man, son of Pedro de la Cueva, a nephew of the Duke of Alburquerque, and the
cousin of the two sisters who were married to Pedro de Alvarado (The first died soon after her arrival in
the New World, Palomo, p. 35).
But it would seem that Cerrato did not yield entirely to discretion: the record of Cueva's encomienda
offers additional information regarding the reduction of tribute payments. It appears in three entries of
the 1548-49 tribute list for Santiago: Tacuba (#32), a town with 100 tributaries that paid eighty
xiquipiles of cacao and nothing more; Jumaytepeque (#105), whose number of tributaries is not shown,
but is estimated to have been seventy five; and Çacatepeque and Ostuncalco (#106), with 2,000
tributaries. The first two entries were of relatively unimportant towns in southeast of present
Guatemala. The important part of the encomienda was the large territory and towns in the southwest,
including Ostuncalco and Çacatepequel and towns subsidiary to them. (The town of Çacatepeque,
present San Martin Sacatepéquez, is one of seven with that name. Three are in the area of the Cueva
encomienda. Aside from the one named, two others: San Antonio, and San Pedro, of lesser importance

were included without being specifically mentioned. The four other towns with the name were—two
each— parts of the encomiendas of Bernal Diaz and Francisco de Monterroso respectively; they are
west and northwest of present Guatemala City).
The east and north borders of the encomienda were approximately those of a line connecting the towns
of present Retalhuleu, San Martin Sacatepéquez, Ostuncalco, Cabricán, Tejutla; and from there west to
the Mexican border of Chiapas. In elevations it rose from sea level to more than 8,000 feet
(Ostuncalco: 2502 meters: 8208 feet).
The holding was enormous and included upland territories supporting some of the most dense
populations of Guatemala at the time of the Spanish arrival (MacBryde, 1971, pp. 3,6,10,14-16, 128).
Also to the Spaniards-who were largely from the southwest of present Spain—the area would have
been appealing because it was not dissimilar in climate from their homeland and it was promising for
grazing European livestock (in 1549, fourteen herders are listed). Part of the area had been seized by
the conqueror, Pedro de Alvarado for himself, and the important conqueror, Pedro de Portocarrero, a
cousin of the count of Medellin, chose another part for his encomienda. Portocarrero's part apparently
included most of the territory of early Otzoya which contained the highlands of San Marcos,
Ostuncalco, Quezaltenango, part of the valley of Totonicapan, the mountains of Ixtlahuacan, and some
of the plains of Xuchitepéquez. It was described thus in a Quiché document referring to Mam pueblos
of the 1300s. (The original document, in Quiche, was in the hands of "an illustrious family of
Totonicapan" and is printed as Titulos de la casa Ixcuin-Nihaib, 1941, pp. 244-252).
By 1549 Portocarrero's encomienda was in the hands of Francisco de la Cueva, who was not one of the
conquerors. He came to the New World with Pedro de Alvarado upon the return of the conqueror from
Spain in 1539; but Cueva was the nephew of the Duke of Alburquerque. That family connection gave
him position. Of further importance was the inheritance of the woman he married: Leonor, Pedro de
Alvarado's natural daughter by Luisa, the daughter of a Tlaxcalan cacique. Leonor had been married
briefly to the old campaigner, Pedro de Portocarrero and had inherited his large encomienda. That
holding came to Cueva.
His importance in the affairs of the New World was obvious. It was to him that the Spanish Crown gave
authority in Guatemala during the absence of Alvarado; and he governed after the deaths of Alvarado
and his widow, Beatrice, until March 1542 when Maldonado took authority as head of the Audiencia.
In spite of his obvious importance (perhaps because of it), the payments to him were changed by the
Cerrato reforms. Tributes were still large but a comparison with those paid in the period 1536-41 show
a material reduction.
Çacatepeque and Ostuncalco
1536-'41 1549
Maize — 80,000 lbs. (i.e. approx. 8 sown fanegas)
Beans — 3,000 lbs (i.e. approx. 3 sown fanegas)
Mantas 2400 (presuming that the
statement 400 de setenta a
setenta dias should have read
each sixty days, i.e.
each two months 1,600

Chickens. On occasional days, 300
and during Lent
Eggs. Supply for the house. 208 doz.
Honey. Ditto 250 lbs
Quail Ditto --
Cacao 600 xiquipiles 300 xiq.
(Again - presuming that the
statement "de setenta a setenta dias"
should have read "every sixty
days, or each two months.)
Salt 72 cestos 900 lbs
(If each cesto was one arroba,
a reasonable assumption,
the total would have been 900 lbs.)
Chili — 1000 lbs.
Servants — 6
Herders — 14
Bedspreads 120 32
Paramentos 120 28
Fodder, including maize — --
for the pigs, clothes for
the swineherds, and food
for the chief swineherd.
In addition to Ostuncalco and Çacatepeque, two other towns are listed as being part of Cueva's
encomienda: Jumaytepaque and Tacuba.
Jumaytepeque 1549
Xumaytepeque Gloss: Jumaytepeque, #105/75 est.: (Text Zumaytepeque)
1536-41 1549
Maize "as usual" 1.5 fanegas planted
Wheat " a planting" 6 " "
Chickens
(native) 52 --
(Castille) 52 36
Honey "as needed" --
Wax "as needed" --
Sandals (Cutaras ) "some for the slaves" --

Servants 6 (in the city when not 4 (in the estancia near the pueblo....to be fed whiel there).
working wheat)
The payments from a third town, Tacuba, were even more vague in 1536-41: "some" beans and chili
were to be planted and Honey and Wax were to be paid according to "what they wish to give" (one can
imagine that generosity was encouraged). Forty xiquipiles of cacao was to be acquired through
exchange for their chili and beans in order to pay it in tribute. "Some" salt was to be paid. Soles and
sandals (suelas y cutaras) for the slaves were to be supplied. Nine servants were to work in the city and
also help in the wheat fields of Çumaytepeque and bring the wheat to the city in the dry season. Two
items had precision: textiles were to include 100 toldillos, 100 masteles, and 60 "guipiles"; chickens to
be paid were to be 156 local fowl and 104 Castilian.
Changes made for this town, in 1549, eliminated all payments except two: 40 xiquipiles of cacao were
increased to 80, and 20 Indians were to go twice each year to "Yumaytepeque" to work - four days each
time to harvest wheat that had been planted by the encomendero. After that service they were return to
their homes without obligation of any further service or payments. Nothing was said about feeding the
Indians while away from their homes; perhaps because the Indians were to be free of other payments.
The journey between their homes and "Yumaytepeque" —some two days journey each way— would be
balanced by the freedom from further obligations.
Juan Pérez Dardón
This man was a prominent conqueror—among those who distinguished themselves in putting down the
rebellion of Çacatepéquez of 1526 (Fuentes y Guzman, Vol. II, p. 79), and one-time lieutenant governor
(Sherman, '79,p. 71).
A comparison of the tributes specified (inperfectly) by him in 1536-41 and those allowed in 1549, at
the time of the Cerratro reforms, give further impressions both of the imprecision of the earlier
procedures and the corrections made by the reforms. (The figures for 1536-'41 are those of Kramer,
Lovell and Lutz, 1986, p. 367 and notes 49 and 50).
In the earlier period he held two towns in encomienda : "Omostenango" (present Momostenango) and
Comalapa. The total payments of the two towns are shown below. For comparison, the total payments
of the same towns in 1549 are given.
1536-'41 1549
Maize 300,000 lbs. 200,000 lbs.
The minimum
to be paid regardless of harvest.
Wheat 1 planting 800 lbs. planted
Beans 10,000 lbs. 500 lbs. planted
(At an expectable
yield of 10 to 1
the harvest would
be 5,000 lbs.)
Mantas 400 310

Chickens 208 European fowl, local. 360 either European or local.
Honey Some 112.5 lbs.
Cacao 120 xiq's 120 xiq's
Salt 6500 lbs. 1600 lbs.
Mats (petates) Some 60
Pottery Some 48 pieces
Chili 7600 lbs. 1300 lbs.
Servants 80 37 (of whom 20 were exchanged for
150 gold pesos, and 12 for 40 xiquipiles of cacao.)
Limestone ("Cal") 15,000 lbs. --
In addition to the above, in 1536-41, the Indians were to supply an unstated amount of roof tiles, fodder
for livestock, food for pigs, quail and other products of the hunt; and every two weeks, when they
brought the chickens, they were to bring "other household necessities."
In 1549, he received the highest totals of the encomenderos of maize, and of servants; as high as any of
beans and chickens. Twenty of his assigned servants were exchanged for the highest price in gold
pesos; and twelve were exchanged for the highest price in cacao (of which, he received none directly as
tribute). Moderate payments to him were made of wheat, honey, salt, chilis, and pottery. The payment
to him of mantas was relatively low.
Cristoval de la Cueva
He was a man of "position". He was married to the daughter of Maldonado the first president of the
high court and legislative body of Central America (the Audiencia de los Confines-1544-48). He was
the royal factor for Guatemala and a former lieutenant of Pedro de Alvarado. He was cousin of Pedro
de los Rios, the treasurer of Nicaragua and the son-in-law of Contreras its governor (Sherman, pp. 136-
37).
Presumably, like Francisco de la Cueva, he was connected with the family of the Duke of Alburqueque
and, because of that relationship, had authority among Spaniards in the New World even though the de
la Cuevas were not among the original conquerors. Cristoval's name does not appear in the 1532 report
of Marroquin. Three years later he was "principal captain" under Juan de Arevalo who had been sent by
Jorge de Alvarado to attempt the conquest of Honduras (Cereceda, 1535, p.10). The document of 1536-
41, discussed by Kramer, Lovell and Lutz (1986), lists him as holding an important encomienda in San
Salvador; plus Utatlan, which had been Gumarcaah, the capital of the Quichés in Guatemala. That
formerly important town had been allotted to him by Pedro de Alvarado in 1530 but later removed from
his control to be put under the Crown (Kramer et al, n. 76, 77 on pp. 388, 389). The assignment by
Alvarado was made before the provincial boundaries had been firmly established. Judging from the
tributes demanded, he knew little about the town and asked little from it. No major crops, except for 60
xiquipiles of cacao, were listed in tribute. Cacao of course was cash, as were cotton textiles. Of the
textiles he was to receive in tribute 120 mantles and 120 skirts (naguas). Also he was to be paid 240
European type chickens. Honey, salt, mats (petates ), and chilis were to be paid according to "that
which the Indians care to give" He was to receive the services of ten servants.
The vagueness of the specifications, and the fact that the territory was at that date somewhat incognito
justifies the belief that the suggested payments were more hopeful than accurate.

Cristoval de la Cueva was not vague about all of his demands from his tributaries in San Salvador, nor
generous, one may judge by the totals of 1548 after the towns had been taken from him and put under
the Crown. 1
1536-41 1548
Teculuca Tecoyluca, No. 1 (As spelled in 1548
when it was under the Crown)
Tributaries ? 400 est.
Maize 30 20
Beans 1500 lbs. 1500 lbs.
Cotton One planting from which
1002 Mantas 2 , 49.5 X 66 inches each, 1000 lbs. planted
were to be made and 100 Toldillos 3
Blouses (Huipiles) 100 200
Breechcloths (Mastiles) 100 --
Large wallmantas
10 6
Sheets (savanas) 8 6
Skirts (Naguas) 200 150
Chickens 4 468
Eggs Some
Honey 150 lbs. 125 lbs.
Wax 200 " (? "8 xicaras") 150 "
Salt 5 5000 " 2500 "
Fish 2500 " 6 1500 "
Chilis 1000 " 750 "
Servants 6 --
Sandals:
Cutaras 80 --
Alpargatas 80
Wine 40 cantaros 500 lbs. 7
Vinegar 40 " 500 lbs. 7
Fruit Some --
In addition: care for cattle, construction --
and maintenance of sheds, supply of
necessary things for the house

(1) The text regarding cacao, mantas, and skirts and chickens reads "que den en cada un año de
cinquenta a cinquenta dias diez xiquipiles de cacao y veynte naguas y veynte mantas blancas y quarenta
gallinas de Castilla." The numbers for mantas, skirts, and chickens have been calculated as if the period
of payments were sixty days( i.e. two months) rather than fifty, because the latter seems unlikely and
would produce unlikely totals.
(2) The size given was l-l/ 2 varas wide by 2 varas long - diminutive compared with tribute mantas
elsewhere, e.g. in Yucatan.
(3) The size of toldillos was not stated.
(4) The word used was not "chickens", but "birds". It is assumed that chickens were meant. However, it
might have meant other fowl.
(5) The town of Teculuca is not far north and northwest of the Jiquilisco Lagoon and the Estero de
Jaltepeque, both long important for salt production (Andrews, 1983, pp. 105-06).
(6) Also "some" fresh fish was to be supplied.
(7) Twenty arrobas is the figure given. The payment to the Crown may have been less than that paid to
Cueva. If the cantaros paid in 1536-41 were of twenty five lbs. each, a reasonable assumption, the
payment of 1536-41 would have been of 1,000 lbs. which was reduced by one half in 1548.
1536-41 1548
Teculucelo Teculucelo (under the Crown)
Tributaries ? 300
Maize 3000 lbs. planted 1200 lbs. planted
From the harvest:
3,000 lbs. to go to Metapa (mines)
2,000 lbs. to go to Alax
1,000 lbs. to go to Gracias a Dios
A supply to the encomendero when he was in San Salvador.
Wheat 1200 lbs. planted 800 lbs. planted
Beans 1000 lbs. planted
Cotton ? 400 lbs. planted
5000 lbs. of the encomendero's cotton to be spun.
Chickens 4 240 144
Quail 240
Honey 750 lbs. 500 lbs.
Wax 500 lbs 250 lbs.
Servants 31 --
Cutaras 1095 pairs --
Alpargatas -- 600 pairs
Soles for alpargatas 1095 --
Liquidambar 75 lbs.

--
If the Indians were rented out, they The Indians were to spin
were to receive one third of the 5000 lbs. of cotton if the harvest
harvest. were sufficient, (which assumed
a yield of 12 to 1).
They were to maintain the house in San Salvador,
care for animals, maintain corrals and sheds.
They were to make halters (Xaquimas), lead ropes
(cabestros), and fetters (sueltas) for the horses
(see note 4 above).
Aviles de Sotomayor
This man held one of the largest encomiendas in the province of San Miguel (present El Salvador, east
of the Lempa River). Yet the information about him is sparse. Kramer, Lovell and Lutz ( p. 391, n. 86)
mention their surprise at that fact, because of the importance of his encomienda.
He was probably the "Captain Aviles, an official of the settlement for many years and according to Las
Casas, 'a very powerful robber' whose encomienda, it was reputed, paid him more than 2,000 gold
pesos per year. (Sherman, p. 169)
In the tribute list of 1549 nine entries of towns are shown, but two of those are duplicates. Presumably
officials recognized the fact and did not double the payments made by those two towns. Eliminating the
duplications, he held 410 tributaries. The payments recorded in 1536-41, and the reductions shown in
1549 substantiate the description by Las Casas.
1536-'41 1549
Maize 52 35
Beans 24 14
Cotton "plantings" 3 + fanegas planted
Mantas 514 (pieces of cloth) 334 mantas
Chickens 1322+ 360
Honey "as needed" 162.5 lbs.
"as they wish"
"that they can give"
Wax The same instructions as for honey 225 lbs.
Cacao 590 xiquipiles 320
Salt 1250 lbs. 1500 lbs.
Fish as needed from four towns, 2000 lbs.
and 5000 lbs. from one (Taminalco)
Olomina 1200 lbs. 300 lbs.

Wine (apparently "as needed", "some" 8 jugs (cantaros)
plum wine)
Vinegar ditto 10 "
Servants 32+ 7
Herders — 2 pig guards
Chili "as needed" --
Fruit ditto --
Pottery " 36 pieces
Pita (presumably henequen) 2750 lbs --
In 1536-41, various services were exacted: to clean the cacao and mulberry groves, carry necessities to,
and work in, the mines, bring wood, water, stones, and mortar to construction sites, maize, fodder, and
wood to the villa for the encomendero. Indians from several of the villages to go to the town of
Taminalco to bring back salt and fish. Food for pigs to be supplied. Irrigation of one planting of 6
fanegas of beans. Supply labor to sow and care for wheat which may include the services of ten Indians
to go to San Salvador, Comayagua, or wherever necessary. Maintain buildings.
Encomenderos in the mid-sixteenth century
Some encomenderos by the mid-century had looked into their futures and the limitations of profit from
martial exploits, and pictured themselves as becoming comfortable country squires. Bernal Diaz del
Castillo, the old soldier who had come early to the Spanish Main and served with many captains
including Cortes in Mexico, was settled in Guatemala with an encomienda including more than 700
tributaries. His relations with the Indians in his charge is shown in the record of a series of legal plaints
and rebuttals. The case involved promoters trying to acquire Indians' lands in order to plant indigo and
build an indigo factory. They stated, fraudulently, that the Indians had no use for the land. The Indians
turned to Bernal Diaz for protection, and gave him their proxy. For two years—when he was nearly
ninety years of age—he wrote briefs and went to court to block the suggested project. In the papers of
the court, two conditions are made apparent: the Indians looked to him as their protector; and he
accepted the obligation: that, of course, is the way the encomienda was intended to function: and in this
case, it did. (Simpson. 1937).
The lesson to be learned from a review of the events of the conquests of Guatemala and Nicaragua
seems to be that when conquerors, or other prehensile individuals are loose in the land it is good luck
not to have—or be—easily appropriable wealth. Many areas of Indian culture in Mexico, Central, and
South America are highlands whose surfaces are constituted largely by young, basic, volcanic materials
that are without mineralization. Other valuable deficiencies were broken terrain, some degree of cold,
and a limited growing season. The chill of nights and winters precludes most high-value export crops.
And for an Indian wanting to escape into the forest, a pointed stick, some grain, the clothes being worn,
and a blanket are all that is immediately needed. In Guatemala, much of the slope-land of the open,
parklike forest is, in the last quarter of the twentieth century, still productive under digging-stick
cultivation by Indians.
Territorial choices made by the early conquerors
In most cases, the conquerors were daring and ignorant men whose first concern was quick plunder.
Later, after settlement, the focus was on a stable base of income: tributaries; and, if possible profitable
products.

Mostly these men had little or no knowledge of agriculture and, in some case, demanded crops to be
planted that were ill-suited to the environment. Many Spaniards of importance in the conquest chose
upland territories for their encomiendas: because that was where the bulk of the population lived. The
numerous natives served the encomenderos as tributaries and the elevation of the highlands was
suitable for wheat, the grain to which the Spaniards were accustomed. But the product of greatest
pecuniary importance was cacao, one of the forms of cash; and it could be grown only in the lowlands.
So, it was desirable to hold lands in both environments. Furthermore an example had been established
for the newcomers to follow: the rulers of the native peoples had controlled properties both in upland
areas as well as in the lowlands (Orellana, pp. 82-83, 131, 159). Those practices were congenial to
Spaniards, accustomed to feudal organization.
The following conquerors (or their heirs) are examples of those holding widely separated holdings:
The son of Gaspar Arias held Chichicastenango, a town at 2071 meters (6795 feet) elevation, with 400
tributaries. Although it was not an area suitable for cacao, its citizens were obligated to trade their
products for 200 xiquipiles to pay Arias. Also he held Suchitepéques (Santo Domingo S.) with 286
tributaries. It was in the cacao zone and paid 450 xiquipiles.
The son of Sancho de Barahona held one half of Atitan (Santiago Atitlan) which is too high for cacao
groves, but was on a major trading route from the cacao lowlands to the interior. The only item of
tribute was 1200 xiquipiles of cacao which was divided between the son of Barahona and the Crown
(originally Pedro de Alvarado held the half that was taken under the Crown).
Juan de Celada held #95, Chiquimula (present Chiquimulilla), with 150 tributaries who paid him—
among other things—250 xiquipiles of cacao. He also held the town #85, Aguacatlan with 200
tributaries, which paid relatively modest tributes. The two towns were about 170 kilometers (104 miles)
apart by direct flight.
Juan de Chaves held two towns: #94, Xilotepeque (present San Martíin Jilotepeque), with 500
tributaries, and Çacapa (Zacapa) with 80 tributaries, in the Motagua River drainage, 140 kilometers (85
miles) away. Çacapa was a lowland town (185 meters elevation —607 feet), but its dry climate
excluded cacao. Its tributaries did, however, plant 600 lbs. of cotton which yielded a sufficient harvest
for the 336 mantas and 60 skirts (naguas) included in the tribute list plus a surplus for the encomendero
to put on the market. As an additional source of cash, he was accorded twenty servants which he
exchanged for 480 tostones.
Francisco de la Cueva, whose encomienda was the largest in Guatemala, held towns with elevations of
2500 meters (more than 8,000 feet, e.g. Ostuncalco, 2502 meters) and below. It reached the coastplain.
Jumaytepeque was at least 150 kilometers from Ostuncalco; and Tacuba, 225 kilometers. Pineda (p.
442) wrote that the Indians of Ostuncalco and Çacatepeque had to go to the coast to buy materials to
pay their tribute. This encomienda is considered elsewhere in this work.
Juan Peréz Dardón held two large towns in the uplands: #131, Comalapa, with 600 tributaries. It was in
a productive area and was an important trading center (Kramer, Lovell and Lutz,1986, n. 51). The
tributes it paid were not excessive except for one item, that of twenty servants that were exchanged for
150 gold pesos, a rate of exchange higher than any paid to other encomenderos . Among other
payments, he received 300 mantas, 1500lbs.of salt, 1,000 lbs. of chili, 60 xiquipiles of cacao, as well as
large harvests of maize, wheat, and beans. His second town, #114, Momostenango, with 450 tributaries
paid mostly the same products; also 900 lbs. of salt and sixty xiquipiles of cacao paid as tribute and
another forty in exchange for twelve servants.
Bernal Diaz (one of the conquerors of Mexico with Cortés, who came to Guatemala soon after its
conquest) held San Juan Sacatepéquez and San Pedro Sacatepéquez, northwest of present Guatemala

City and the lowland town of Guanagazapa, which paid him a small tribute of cacao.
Juan de Espinar, being one of the distinguished conquerors of Mexico and Guatemala (Lovell, '85,
p.207, n. 3) was able to select—within a wide range of choices— the area of his encomienda. He
choose that of Huehuetenango (Gueuetenango, #17/ 500 tributaries) at an elevation of 1901.64 meters
(6239 feet). The attractions were obvious: the area was densely settled, which meant a large pool of
labor. Nearby at Chiantla were mines which paid him a large income (he is credited with discovering
them, but, as in other cases, in other regions, the natives probably furnished him the information), the
elevation, at that latitude conduces to a pleasant climate, and important agricultural production. Lovell
reports that prior to the Cerrato reforms of 1549, he used 200 to 300 service Indians granted to him in
his mines, plus an equal number of slaves, who produced an enormous income, for that time, of 9,000
pesos each year; and further, he received another 3,000 pesos from agriculture. Of the servants granted
(appropriated ?) to him, some tended his swine; it is to be noted that neither cattle nor sheep were
mentioned. The original silver production apparently played out—or, at least became comparatively
unimportant: during the colonial period the output was relatively small, especially when compared to
that of Honduras, and even less compared with that of Mexico, and of Peru (Lovell, '85, pp. 96, 100,
105, 120). Although mining is continued at the present time, the metal mentioned is lead (Dicc. Geog.).
Santos de Figueroa, a conqueror, held #13, Uspantlan, south of the Cuchumatanes Mountains at an
elevation of 1837 meters (5563 feet) and two towns, probably in the northwest: Cerquil and Cocelutla.
Also he held Miçagua (present Masagua, southwest of Escuintla) about 150 kilometers (92 miles) from
Uspantlan.
Francisco Lopez held parts of five towns with a total of 123 tributaries, two in the northwest: Vyztlan
(Huista) and Cuchil (now part of Nebaj), two in present El Salvador: Naolingo and Miaguatlan, and
one, Quiaguistlan, that is unidentified. His encomienda may have been more scattered than any other.
Vyztlan would have been about 325 kilometers (200 miles) from Naolingo by direct flight.
Alonso Marroquin held Tequepanguatemala with 400 tributaries. It is located at 2276 meters (7503
feet) elevation. He also held Cacaotlan, #25, which is unidentified but its only payments, 140 xiquipiles
of cacao and fifty six lbs. of fish, place it on the lowlands.
The son of Gonçalo de Ovalle held two towns, #4 Xacaltenango (Jacaltinango), in the northwest, near
the Chiapas border, and #81, Tasisco, a Xinca-speaking town on the southeastern lowland (present
Taxisco, near Guanagazapa may not be in the exact location of the 1548 town: there are archaeological
remains nearby). Among its tributes was the item of 400 xiquipiles of cacao. The two towns in the
encomienda of Ovalle were about 219 kilometers (136 miles) apart.
The son of Juan Paez held #5, Ystapalatengo and Aguacatlan, which were near the Cuchumatanes
mountains, Çacapula, in the same general area; and Miaguatlan, near Sonsonate, about 240 kilometers
(146 miles away). The sources of cash for the encomendero were 40 mantas in exchange for a planting
of 300 lbs. of wheat, another 100 mantas in direct tribute, 14 xiquipiles of cacao exchanged for five
servants, 7200 lbs. of salt from Çacapula, and 80 xiquipiles of cacao from Miaguatlan.
In the encomienda of Cristobal Salvatierra were two towns: one half of #38, Çacapula, in the interior
below the Cuchumatanes mountains, that paid him 108 chickens, 7200 lbs. of salt, and five servants
that he exchanged for fourteen xiquipiles of cacao; and #53, Caçaguastlan, in the southeast, in the
drainage of the Motagua River, which paid him a variety of tributes including six servants that he
exchanged for a planting of 200 lbs. of maize, and 20 mantas to be added to the 200 also specified. The
two towns are about 131 kilometers (80 miles) apart.

Encomienda labor transfers
For the most part, items of tribute were suited to their environments; but many an encomendero
received payments from more than one town and, in many cases probably transferred labor from one to
another when it fitted his purposes. For example:
Juan Resino, one of the conquerors of Guatemala with Pedro de Alvarado, held three towns in
encomienda, whose total tributaries were 350:
#29, Basaco, with 20 tributaries paid two items: 7,500 lbs. of salt, and 200 lbs. of fish. This
lowland town probably represents present Pasaco. It was shared with Antonio de Salazar.
#30 Moyutla (present Moyuta, at 1283 meters elevation =4209 feet), with 250 tributaries, made
relatively small payments, including 900 lbs. of salt.
#69, Ayllon, unidentified.
It may be supposed that the twenty tributaries of Basaco were aided in their labor by those of Moyutla
and Ayllon.
Antonio de Salazar held three towns whose total of tributaries amounted to 640:
#60, Paçaco y Tototopeque (present Pasaco is at 150 meters elevation = 492 feet).
#61, Xutiapa (present Jutiapa is at 906 meters =2972 feet)
#66, Yupitepeque (present Yupiltepeque, 1050 meters=3445 feet).
The tributaries of Yupitepeque were obligated to pay 300 xiquipiles of cacao, which, at 3445 feet
elevation, could not be grown. That matter was resolved by requiring the tributaries of Yupitepeque and
those of Xutiapa, which was also too high in elevation to grow cacao trees, to work in the grove of
Salazar. Presumably the grove was near Paçaco and Tototepeque which were at a suitable elevation.
Each of the higher towns was about fifty kilometers from Paçaco. Nothing was specified regarding the
amount of time to be spent in the labor, nor was the usual injunction with regard to food for the laborers
during their stint mentioned; and the labor and travel were in addition to the payment of 300 xiquipiles.
Complexity of encomiendas
In the quarter century after the conquest of Guatemala, the rewards of the conquerors had been
complicated by expropriations, re-assignments, further divisions, and awards to important newcomers.
The following examples involve fourteen encomenderos and twenty-four towns connected
immediately or remotely with each other by reason of the divisions made of towns and their tributaries.
Many of the encomenderos were original conquerors with Pedro de Alvarado; others had been given
grants by Maldonado some time after the major action of conquest, e.g. Juan de Guzman and Francisco
Giron.
Of this—presumably typical group—all encomenderos shared the products of one or more towns with
other encomenderos.
Encomendero
Gonçalo de
Alvarado
Total Tributaries
Towns or portions of
towns in encomienda
Shared with
220 #27, Texutla (1/2 or 60 tr.) Çavallos2

#132, Acatenango (? tr)
(See note #1)
Çavallos
#134, Misco (160 tr.) No one else
Pedro de Çavallos 210 (plus) #27, Texutla Gonz. de
Alvarado
#132, Acatenango ditto
#57, Luquitlan Minor sons of
Antonio de
Morales
#103, Casaguastlan (1/2,
i.e. 200 tr.)
See note #2
#55, Xocotenango No one else
#57, Luquitlan Çavallos
#84 Coçumptlan No one else
Minor son of Juan
Perez
183 #34, Çacapula See note #3
below
#5, Aguacatlan No one else
#123, Miaguatlan Francisco
López
Francisco López 123 #123, Miaguatlan Son of Juan
Perez, and
Francisco
Lopez
#3, Viztlan No one else
#11, Cuchil
Melchor de
Velasco
#70, Naolingo 1/2 to Diaz de
la Reguera
and 1/4 each
to Juan de

#140, Quiaguistlan
Guzman and
Francisco
Lopez
Diaz de la
Reguera
Gomez Diaz de la
Reguera
110 #70, Naolingo
#140, Quiaguistlan
Juan de
Guzman and
Francisco
Lopez
Francisco
Lopez
Juan de Guzman #62, Yçalco See note #4
#70, Naolingo
Diaz de la
Reguera and
Francisco
Lopez
Cristobal Salvatierra 280 #53, Casaguastlan See note #2
#38, Çacapula
See note #3
Francisco Giron
Guzman See note #4 #63, Yçalco
Juan de
Guzman
Melchor de Velasco 75
#11, Cuchil
Francisco
Lopez
#52, Quecaltepeque See note #5
#71, Ucumacintla
No one else
Alonso Larios 78 #41, Tetechan No one else
#92, Queçaltepeque
#141, Utlacingo
See note
above.
Antonio
Paredes
Antonio Paredes 4 #141, Utlacingo Alonso Larios
#144, Copulco Pedro
Gonçales

Pedro Gonçales 80 #144, Copulco
Antonio
Paredes
Najara
#102, Çapotitan
No one else
Critobal Lobo 526
#18, #19, #20, Amatitan (an
annexes)
No one else
#111, Xilotepeque Lope Lobo
#135, Queçaltepeque
See note
regarding
Melchor de
Velasco
#136, Chancoate No one else
1 Acatenango is listed twice, but the two listings probably refer to a division of the tributes from the
same town. The first listing, #132, does not show the number of tributaries. The eighty tributaries listed
for #139, shown as being under the Crown, may be the total for both entries.
2 Casaguastlan was listed twice, #103 and #53. There are now two Acasaguastlans and may have been
in 1549; but the tributes were precisely the same. If there were two towns of the same name then, the
tributes probably were grouped and divided equally.
Xocotenango, #55, was probably the present San Bartolome' Jocotenango, NNE of Santa Cruz del
Quiché.
3. The name Caçapula is listed twice: #34, and #38. Each entry showed precisely the same items and
amounts. Obviously, the tributes of one town were divided between two encomenderos.
4. Yçalco is listed twice, under numbers 62 and 63. No number of tributaries is shown for #62; but
under #63, 400 tributaries are recorded. Apparently the one town's payments were divided, and
probably the total number of tributaries to be divided was 400.
5. The three entries of this name under #52, #92, and #135 probably all refer to the same town.
The encomienda of Francisco Lopez is an example of the jerry-built nature of some of the holdings. It
is made up of bits and pieces. Only one town out of five—#3, Viztlan, with forty five tributaries—was
held entirely by him. The others, ranging in tributary size from six to 200 were shared with others. In
spite of the many pieces of his encomienda , the total number of his tributaries was only 123. He did,
however, receive payment of 211.25 xiquipiles of cacao and a high payment of mats (petates) which, no
doubt he sold profitably.
The Company Store
In some cases encomenderos treated their Indians as did some United States companies in western
towns who owned the only store and could charge according to their own judgement and avidity.
According to Linda Newsom, describing affairs in Nicaragua (1987, p. 164) "Sometimes employers
made advances to workers with the express purpose of binding them to their places of work through
debts. The debts incurred were inherited by the deceased's family, so that widows were often forced to
work for their husbands' former employers to pay them off."

Chilis may be an example of that situation. They were not part of the Spanish dietary and it must have
taken considerable time for the Spaniards to develop a taste for them, but ten of the most important
encomenderos required large payments to be sold back to the Indians:
Juan de Espinar 5,000 lbs.
Herman Gutierrez de Gibaja 2,250
Hernan Mendez de Sotomayor 2,250
Bernal Diaz 1,500
Antonio de Salazar 1,500
Juan Perez Dardon 1,300
Gonçalo de Ovalle 1,250
Francisco de la Cueva 1,000
Bartolome Marroquin 1,000
Gonçalo Ortiz 1,000
Nearly three quarters of the total payment was made to these ten encomenderos (another 2,000 lbs. was
paid to the Crown) for sale in markets to the natives whose standard diet included them.
MacLeod found that encomenderos used the auction system to turn tributes into cash, and that by the
third quarter of the sixteenth century in Central America, the men in commerce and trade dominated the
colonial bureaucracy (pp. 131,133. Also see pp. 75, 209-10, 284, 419n).
The surplus of maize was considerable: in nearly all regions payments were far in excess of the needs
of encomenderos' families. In some cases it may have been exported, but in others it could have been
sold back to the Indians. Spaniards did not wear sandals, Indians did. The only way for Spaniards too
realize profit from cutaras or alpargatas was to put them on the market for Indians to buy. Sleeveless
blouses (huipiles) and Indian skirts (naguas ) were not worn by Spanish women. Note the numbers of
skirts paid by the two Perulapas: town #33 paid 420, and town #34 paid 480. Mantas and toldillos fell
into the same category, as did surplus salt, fish, and cotton.
Cash to latecoming—post-conquest—Spaniards.
In post-conquest generations, well-conditioned men—no ragtag adventurers they—came to the New
World, not with the spirit of the adventure that imbued the first contingents, but with assurance of
reward; and what they wanted especially was cash in any of its forms.
The ten men listed below represent such arrivistes. Their payments of the two most important forms of
cash were the following:
Xiquipiles of
cacao (One
xiquipil= 8,000
"beans")
Mantas
Rodriguez Cabrillo (son
262
180
Calderon 630 200

Francisco de la Cueva 380 1600 of high quality
Giron 1000 —
Gutierrez de Gibaja 250 300. In addition he was paid 175 lbs.
of honey, 175 petates and 2250 lbs. of
chili, all saleable.
Mendez de Sotomayor 250 300. Plus the additional paid to
Gutierrez Gibaja listed above
Juan de Guzman 1171.25 —
Martin de Guzman 510 300. Plus 175 lbs. honey, 416 lbs. fish.
Bartolomé Marroquin 190 —
Alonso Marroquin 140 600
Total 4777.25 3480
To encomenderos
To the Crown
33 % of total 25% of total
Paid in Santiago
Paid in Santiago
To the Crown
2162
2660
15 % of total 19% of total
48 % 44 %

In sum, almost half of these two forms of "cash" were paid to ten "arrivistes" and the Crown. Those
paid to the Crown were, mostly, from towns that originally had been been under Pedro de Alvarado.
Those of the ten newcomers were from towns whose early encomenderos were no longer listed, with
one exception: Goncalo Najara, who shared the town of Jumaytepeque with Sebastian Marmol in 1528
(Kramer et al, '90, p. 15). By 1549, the town (no. 105) had changed hands and was in the encomienda
of Francisco de la Cueva. At that time Goncalo Najara held Capotitan and received one half of the
tributes from Copulco. His estimated number of tributaries was 130.
Size of Encomiendas (by numbers of Tributaries) in the nine provinces in 1548-49.
The figures in parentheses represent the percentage of that size in the province.
Total number of
Encomiendas:
Those with less than
100 tributaries:
(% of total)
Stgo. S.Sal S. Mig. Com. Leon Gran. Mér. Camp. Tab.
83 44 33 26 51 41 61 50
20 8 7 15 36 21 2 1
(24)
(18)
(21)
(58) (71) (51) (3) (2)
*100-199
tributaries 24 16 18 7 7 15
7 7
(%) (29) (36) (55) (27) (14) (37) (11) (14)
*200-299
tributaries
12 12 4 3 7 2 8 12
(%) (14) (27) (12) (12) (14) (5) (13) (24) ---
*300-399
tributaries
4 2 -- -- 1 3 13 14 1
(%) (5) (5) (2) (7) (21) (28) (20)
*400-499
tributaries
8 4 4 1 -- -- 6 6 --
(%) (10) (9) (12) (4) -- -- (10) (12) --
*500-599
tributaries
6 1 -- -- -- -- 9 2 --
(%) (7) (2) (15) (4) --
*600-699
tributaries
3 - -- -- -- -- 7 1 --
(%) (4) (11) (2)
*700-799
tributaries
1 -- -- -- -- -- 4 1 --
(%) (1) (7) (2)
*800 plus 5 1 -- -- -- -- 5 6 --
5
2
(40)
2
(40)
--

tributaries
(%) (6) (2) (8) (12)
Average number of
tributaries of all
encomiendas
293 229 165 112 89 110 508 392 100
*The manuscript does not show the number of tributaries in each of these groups. The numbers shown
here give results that agree with the average number of tributaries for each province.
Some obvious generalizations can be made. There was a wide range in size of Santiago encomiendas .
The same was relatively true of Mérida and Campeche. The difference being that very few of those of
Yucatan were of the small groups. The Nicaragua provinces (Leon and Granada) had none of the large
sizes of Santiago and Yucatan. San Salvador—as was its wont— was varied; but with concentration in
the middle brackets. In San Miguel were four fairly successfully greedy men, but otherwise the
holdings were relatively small. Comayagua—in this record—was unimportant, as was Tabasco.
Comments:
The interest of Santiago encomenderos was in cacao. Beyond the present border of Guatemala, they
had appropriated Los Izalcos, the important cacao-raising area, now in the southwest of El Salvador.
Perhaps compensating for the loss of that area, the San Salvador encomenderos were allowed virtually
the full list of other tributes, and in relatively high amounts.
It would seem that the Santiago encomenderos' preoccupation with cacao diminished their demand for
other tributes (or led the royal officials to believe that it should). In comparison with the other eight
provinces, the percentage of encomenderos being paid was low in virtually all other items. For
example, of the fundamental dietary items, maize was paid to virtually all encomenderos in all
provinces except Santiago where one quarter received none. Bean payments ranged from seventy-three
percent to 100 percent in other provinces, but not in Santiago. There they were received by only about
one third, (and by sixty percent in Tabasco).
In receipt of textiles—important for clothes but also serving as specie— the percentage of Santiago
encomenderos receiving them was the lowest of seven of the the nine provinces (Comayagua, and
Tabasco were lower). Wheat was a relatively unimportant tribute. Santiago may have been the only
province to produce it. Although listed, the amount planted in Comayagua was probably based on a
forlorn hope, as was that of San Salvador.
In striking contrast, San Salvador was highest on eight items of tribute: (chilis, cotton, eggs, fish, fruit,
herders, sandals, and textiles); and equal to the highest on three others (maize, chickens, servants).