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Editor: I. Mallikarjuna Sharma Volume 11: 15-31 March 2015 No. 5-6

Martyrs memorial special issue of 15-31 March 2015 paying tributes to Bhagat Singh and other comrades.

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ISC-138 Shreya Singhal v. Union of India [IND-SC] (20<strong>15</strong>) 1 LAW<br />

expression”. There are three concepts which are<br />

fundamental in understanding the reach of this<br />

most basic of human rights. The first is<br />

discussion, the second is advocacy, and the third<br />

is incitement. Mere discussion or even advocacy<br />

of a particular cause howsoever unpopular is at<br />

the heart of Article 19(1)(a). It is only when such<br />

discussion or advocacy reaches the level of incitement<br />

that Article 19(2) kicks in. 3 It is at this stage that a<br />

law may be made curtailing the speech or<br />

expression that leads inexorably to or tends to<br />

cause public disorder or tends to cause or tends to<br />

affect the sovereignty and integrity of India, the<br />

security of the State, friendly relations with<br />

foreign States, etc. Why it is important to have<br />

3 A good example of the difference between advocacy and<br />

incitement is Mark Antony’s speech in Shakespeare’s<br />

immortal classic Julius Caesar. Mark Antony begins<br />

cautiously. Brutus is chastised for calling Julius Caesar<br />

ambitious and is repeatedly said to be an “honourable<br />

man”. He then shows the crowd Caesar’s mantle and<br />

describes who struck Caesar where. It is at this point,<br />

after the interjection of two citizens from the crowd, that<br />

Antony says –<br />

“ANTONY –<br />

Good friends, sweet friends, let me not stir you up<br />

To such a sudden flood of mutiny.<br />

They that have done this deed are honourable:<br />

What private griefs they have, alas, I know not,<br />

That made them do it: they are wise and honourable,<br />

And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you.<br />

I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts:<br />

I am no orator, as Brutus is;<br />

But, as you know me all, a plain blunt man,<br />

That love my friend; and that they know full well<br />

That gave me public leave to speak of him:<br />

For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth,<br />

Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech,<br />

To stir men's blood: I only speak right on;<br />

I tell you that which you yourselves do know;<br />

Show you sweet Caesar's wounds,<br />

poor poor dumb mouths,<br />

And bid them speak for me: but were I Brutus,<br />

And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony<br />

Would ruffle up your spirits and put a tongue<br />

In every wound of Caesar that should move<br />

The stones of Rome to rise and mutiny.<br />

ALL – We'll mutiny.”<br />

these three concepts in mind is because most of<br />

the arguments of both petitioners and respondents<br />

tended to veer around the expression “public<br />

order”.<br />

14. It is at this point that a word needs to be said<br />

about the use of American judgments in the<br />

context of Article 19(1)(a). In virtually every<br />

significant judgment of this Court, reference has<br />

been made to judgments from across the Atlantic.<br />

Is it safe to do so?<br />

<strong>15</strong>. It is significant to notice first the differences<br />

between the US First Amendment and Article<br />

19(1)(a) read with Article 19(2). The first<br />

important difference is the absoluteness of the U.S. first<br />

Amendment – Congress shall make no law which<br />

abridges the freedom of speech. Second, whereas<br />

the U.S. First Amendment speaks of freedom of<br />

speech and of the press, without any reference to<br />

“expression”, Article 19(1)(a) speaks of freedom<br />

of speech and expression without any reference to<br />

“the press”. Third, under the US Constitution, speech<br />

may be abridged, whereas under our Constitution,<br />

reasonable restrictions may be imposed. Fourth, under<br />

our Constitution such restrictions have to be in<br />

the interest of eight designated subject matters -<br />

that is any law seeking to impose a restriction on<br />

the freedom of speech can only pass muster if it is<br />

proximately related to any of the eight subject<br />

matters set out in Article 19(2).<br />

16. Insofar as the first apparent difference is<br />

concerned, the U.S. Supreme Court has never given<br />

literal effect to the declaration that Congress shall make<br />

no law abridging the freedom of speech. The approach<br />

of the Court which is succinctly stated in one of<br />

the early U.S. Supreme Court Judgments,<br />

continues even today. In Chaplinsky v. New<br />

Hampshire, 86 L. Ed. 10<strong>31</strong>, Justice Murphy who<br />

delivered the opinion of the Court put it thus:-<br />

“Allowing the broadest scope to the language<br />

and purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment, it is<br />

well understood that the right of free speech is not<br />

absolute at all times and under all circumstances. There<br />

are certain well-defined and narrowly limited<br />

classes of speech, the prevention and punishment<br />

of which has never been thought to raise any<br />

Constitutional problem. These include the lewd<br />

Law Animated World, <strong>15</strong>-<strong>31</strong> <strong>March</strong> 20<strong>15</strong><br />

52

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