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76 Melissa Pine Conclusions In an article on British policy actions, de Gaulle’s real intentions in the ‘Soames affair’ are less important than British perceptions of them: as noted above, the British side of the story is one thread in a complex diplomatic incident. For HMG, the proposals were placed in the context both of Wilson’s continuing pressure for entry into the EC, and of the signs of progress in the embryonic foreign policy co-operation in WEU. Britain, with the help of her allies, had succeeded not only in dominating the EC agenda but also in taking concrete steps towards European integration in a new and significant policy area. The proposals were thus seen as evidence of the success of British European policy since the French veto of 1967. Moreover, the British handling of the affair, clearly dominated by Wilson and Stewart, consolidated their relations with the Five and particularly with Germany, at a time when they were preparing to work together in the sensitive area of foreign policy. Over the previous eighteen months it had proved difficult to hold the Germans to their promises to support Britain: confiding de Gaulle’s seeming treachery to Kiesinger seemed to have the desired effect. Of course, there may have been other reasons for the strengthened German position: as noted above, by February 1969 their patience with French European policy had worn extremely thin. However, Wilson’s decision to reveal de Gaulle’s seeming perfidy may have been the final straw. Soames may have hoped that the whole affair could have been handled differently, but in the aftermath of the ‘Soames affair’ the Germans not only gave new commitments to consult with the British on European affairs and to keep them informed of EC developments: they also immediately followed through on these commitments. 89 As a result of the strengthened solidarity between Britain and the Five, and despite traditional French tactics of attempted veto and then boycott, consultations on foreign policy in WEU continued. Although they were soon overshadowed by de Gaulle’s resignation, these consultations should not be overlooked: they are evidence of Britain’s real engagement with European allies, and of those allies’ reciprocal willingness to move towards integration in significant policy areas with Britain. Finally, HMG’s and particularly Wilson’s actions in February 1969 made it crystal clear that entry into the EC was a top priority for the UK. De Gaulle’s resignation two months later relegated the ‘Soames affair’ to the status of a storm in a teacup, but it had provided Wilson with a key opportunity to match his actions to his pro-European rhetoric. As a result, when de Gaulle left the political scene and was eventually succeeded by Georges Pompidou, the expectations of Wilson and the Five for a reappraisal in French policy were high. Although many factors were involved in Pompidou’s lifting of the French veto on British entry at The Hague in December, the constant British pressure for closer European relations, shown so clearly in the ‘Soames affair’, played a crucial part. 89. Letter, Soames to Wilson, 11 March 1969, UKNA/FCO/30/417.
A propos des archives Emile Noël: aux origines d’une carrière européenne (1922-1958) 77 Catherine Previti Allaire De 1958 à 1987, c'est à dire pendant vingt-neuf ans, Emile Noël a exercé les fontions de secrétaire général de la Commission européenne. Tant l'importance de sa charge que la durée de son exercice lui ont conféré un rôle central dans le fonctionnement et le développement de ladite Commission depuis ses origines jusqu'à l'élaboration de l'Acte unique. Au sein d'une équipe relativement restreinte, notamment à ses débuts, la personnalité des principaux responsables a largement marqué le développement institutionnel. Dans ce contexte, il paraît légitime de s'interroger sur les origines d'Emile Noël et de tenter de cerner certains faits qui ont pu contribuer à forger ses idées et, par là-même, une part de l'histoire communautaire. La logique de recherche a été essentiellement subjective dans le sens où elle s'est attachée à faire revivre le personnage de l'intérieur, à redénouer le fil de sa vie plutôt qu'à en dresser une analyse critique. En outre, s'étant basé sur le fonds Emile Noël, 1 le travail a subi les aléas du 'taux documentaire': certains épisodes sont passés sous silence lorsqu'il n'en existe point de trace dans les papiers (par exemple, la position d'Emile Noël sur l'affaire de Suez en 1956). Somme toute, l'enquête a apporté une série de résultats qui semblent pouvoir constituer une première approche à la problématique. Les racines d'un homme engagé 1. De l’enfance à la Résistance Emile Noël naît à Istanbul en 1922. Son père, de nationalité belge, a rencontré sa mère au retour d'une mission en Asie pour le compte de la compagnie internationale des Wagons-lits. La famille de la jeune femme, d’origine marseillaise, a rejoint à la fin du siècle passé la colonie française installée au détroit du Bosphore. En 1925, suite aux soubresauts de la révolution nationaliste, le couple rejoint la Provence et s’installe aux environs de la cité phocéenne dans le port de La Ciotat. Emile Noël restera cependant attaché à la Sublime porte: «Pendant trente ans au service de la Commission […], je me suis efforcé […] de contribuer à ce que la Turquie se rapproche de la Communauté. Par delà les difficultés circonstancielles, l’ancrage de la Turquie dans l’Europe n’est-il pas (…) la conséquence même de l’œuvre de modernisation et de laïcisation qu’avait entreprise le grand Kemal Ataturk»? 2 1. Les archives Emile Noël sont conservées aux Archives historiques des Communautés européennes à l'Institut universitaire européen de Florence. Elles sont ouvertes au public depuis 1999. 2. Conférence d’E. Noël en Turquie, 03/1988.
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