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58 Lasse Michael Boehm Britain to enter the EEC. The devaluation of the pound, which Wilson had announced on 19 November, had provided de Gaulle with a suitable opportunity. Nevertheless, he left public opinion in no doubt that the underlying reasons for the French veto were political. British entry into EEC, he said, “would lead to the break-up of a community which could not absorb so monumental an exception, which could not accept that among its leading members there was a state which through its politics, its economy, its currency was not at present a part of Europe”. 81 Conclusion An analysis of foreign policy-making in Whitehall from the perspective of the British embassy in Paris leads to the conclusion that Wilson and Brown ignored important warnings on the possibility of a French veto. Brown in particular, an outspoken ‘pro-European’, pressed ahead with an early application in 1967, largely for political reasons. Brown’s focus on domestic political issues, however, led him to disregard ambassador Reilly’s advice on the French reaction to a British application. From the very beginning, Reilly had insisted that de Gaulle was prepared to veto British entry for a second time. Instead, Brown thought that the Five, Germany, Italy and the Benelux countries, would apply enough pressure on France to let Britain join the EEC. It was a fatal misjudgement, which prevented Brown from forging a better relationship with the French president. The extent of the neglect of de Gaulle can be seen in Brown’s personal decision to prevent his ambassador from meeting the French president in the run-up to Wilson and Brown’s important January 1967 visit to Paris. What could have been a chance to establish a new understanding with France was yet another missed opportunity. When the decision to apply for a second time was taken, Wilson and Brown ignored Reilly’s warnings not to press ahead with negotiations too quickly. Moreover, the Foreign secretary tried to silence his ambassador in France by requesting Reilly not to report negatively from Paris. Reilly, realising Brown’s strategic mistake of focussing on the Five, disregarded this order and argued repeatedly for a new rapprochement with France. Yet, he was ignored by the Prime minister and the Foreign secretary, and his arguments were challenged by combined opposition from the Foreign Office, the ministry of Technology and the ministry of Defence. For his disobedience towards London, Reilly paid with an unhappy ending to his otherwise distinguished career. In 1968, Brown prematurely relieved him of his post in Paris and forced him to take early retirement. Neither the Foreign secretary nor the Prime minister had made sufficient use of the best tools the Foreign Office provided them with: an embassy only a few hundred yards from the Elysée Palace. 81. The Times, 28 November 1967, p.1.
British Personal Diplomacy and Public Policy: The Soames Affair 59 Melissa Pine At the end of the 1960s, Anglo-French relations were very strained. The French had blocked Britain’s second application to join the European Communities (EC) by vetoing the opening of negotiations in late 1967. In early 1969, however, relations took a turn for the worse over a diplomatic incident that became known as the ‘Soames affair’. On 4 February 1969, French president Charles de Gaulle presented the British ambassador in Paris, Christopher Soames, with ‘dramatic ideas’ for the future of European integration. It was unclear if the proposals were genuine, or if de Gaulle was setting a trap for the British. In any case, the British informed the German government (partly because of the pressure imposed by a coincidental visit by British Prime minister Harold Wilson to the German chancellor, Kurt-Georg Kiesinger), the other members of the European Communities and the Americans, and, finally, the press. The result was a deterioration of Anglo-French relations that ended only after the resignation of de Gaulle. Wilson publicly blamed the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) for pushing him into revealing the talks to Kiesinger, and several commentators have accepted this assertion. As a result, the FCO has been judged harshly for its conduct in the episode. Only Philip Zeigler, Wilson’s official biographer, argued that Wilson had agreed to the course suggested by the FCO, and criticised him for attempting to disassociate himself from the decision-making process afterwards. The consensus, however, has been that in the final outcome, the ‘Soames affair’ was a foreign policy ‘loss’ for the British government and for Wilson in particular: it was mishandled, and led to a nadir in Anglo-French relations with no appreciable gains elsewhere. 1 This article describes how the ‘Soames affair’ played out in the diplomatic and public spheres. It is based on British public and private archival sources, including official papers in the National Archive (formerly known as the Public Record Office, Kew London), and the private papers of Lord Wilson of Rivaulx, Lord George-Brown, Lord Stewart of Fulham and Sir Patrick Riley (British ambassador to Paris 1965-68). The Wilson papers were not wholly open, while access to the papers of Lord 1. See generally, S. GEORGE, The Awkward Partner: Britain in the European Community, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1990, p.55; J. YOUNG, Britain and European Unity, 1945-1992, Macmillan, Basingstoke, 1993, pp.103-104; C. LORD, British Entry to the European Community under the Heath Government of 1970-4, Dartmouth Publishing Group, Aldershot, 1993, pp.60-61; R. BROAD, Labour’s European Dilemmas from Bevin to Blair, Palgrave, Basingstoke, 2001, pp.70-71; H. YOUNG, This Blessed Plot: Britain and Europe from Churchill to Blair, Macmillan, London, 1998, pp.200-208; J. LACOUTURE, De Gaulle the ruler: 1945-1970, Harvill, London, 1991, tr. A. SHERIDAN, pp.474-477; B. LEDWIDGE, De Gaulle, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1982, pp.363-367; H. WILSON, The Labour Government 1964-1970: A Personal Record, Weidenfeld and Nicholson and Michael Joseph, London, 1971, pp.611-612; P. ZEIGLER, Wilson: The authorised life of Lord Wilson of Rivaulx, Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London, 1993, pp.336-377.
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58<br />
Lasse Michael Boehm<br />
Britain to enter the EEC. The <strong>de</strong>valuation <strong>of</strong> the pound, which Wilson had<br />
announced on 19 November, had provi<strong>de</strong>d <strong>de</strong> Gaulle with a suitable opportunity.<br />
Nevertheless, he left public opinion in no doubt that the un<strong>de</strong>rlying reasons for the<br />
French veto were political. British entry into EEC, he said,<br />
“would lead to the break-up <strong>of</strong> a community which could not absorb so monumental<br />
an exception, which could not accept that among its leading members there was a<br />
state which through its politics, its economy, its currency was not at present a part <strong>of</strong><br />
Europe”. 81<br />
Conclusion<br />
An analysis <strong>of</strong> foreign policy-making in Whitehall from the perspective <strong>of</strong> the<br />
British embassy in Paris leads to the conclusion that Wilson and Brown ignored<br />
important warnings on the possibility <strong>of</strong> a French veto. Brown in particular, an<br />
outspoken ‘pro-European’, pressed ahead with an early application in 1967, largely<br />
for political reasons.<br />
Brown’s focus on domestic political issues, however, led him to disregard<br />
ambassador Reilly’s advice on the French reaction to a British application. From<br />
the very beginning, Reilly had insisted that <strong>de</strong> Gaulle was prepared to veto British<br />
entry for a second time. Instead, Brown thought that the Five, Germany, Italy and<br />
the Benelux countries, would apply enough pressure on France to let Britain join<br />
the EEC. It was a fatal misjudgement, which prevented Brown from forging a<br />
better relationship with the French presi<strong>de</strong>nt. The extent <strong>of</strong> the neglect <strong>of</strong> <strong>de</strong> Gaulle<br />
can be seen in Brown’s personal <strong>de</strong>cision to prevent his ambassador from meeting<br />
the French presi<strong>de</strong>nt in the run-up to Wilson and Brown’s important January 1967<br />
visit to Paris. What could have been a chance to establish a new un<strong>de</strong>rstanding with<br />
France was yet another missed opportunity.<br />
When the <strong>de</strong>cision to apply for a second time was taken, Wilson and Brown<br />
ignored Reilly’s warnings not to press ahead with negotiations too quickly. Moreover,<br />
the Foreign secretary tried to silence his ambassador in France by requesting Reilly<br />
not to report negatively from Paris. Reilly, realising Brown’s strategic mistake <strong>of</strong><br />
focussing on the Five, disregar<strong>de</strong>d this or<strong>de</strong>r and argued repeatedly for a new<br />
rapprochement with France. Yet, he was ignored by the Prime minister and the<br />
Foreign secretary, and his arguments were challenged by combined opposition from<br />
the Foreign Office, the ministry <strong>of</strong> Technology and the ministry <strong>of</strong> Defence.<br />
For his disobedience towards London, Reilly paid with an unhappy ending to<br />
his otherwise distinguished career. In 1968, Brown prematurely relieved him <strong>of</strong> his<br />
post in Paris and forced him to take early retirement. Neither the Foreign secretary<br />
nor the Prime minister had ma<strong>de</strong> sufficient use <strong>of</strong> the best tools the Foreign Office<br />
provi<strong>de</strong>d them with: an embassy only a few hundred yards from the Elysée Palace.<br />
81. The Times, 28 November 1967, p.1.