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46<br />

Lasse Michael Boehm<br />

Above all, Britain had to <strong>de</strong>monstrate her willingness to co-operate fully not<br />

only with the Five, but also the French:<br />

“On technical co-operation I would respectfully suggest that we need to have constantly<br />

in mind the relevance <strong>of</strong> what we do throughout this field to our European<br />

policy generally: to <strong>de</strong>monstrate our interest in co-operation with Europe and with<br />

France by giving preference whenever we possibly can”. 14<br />

If Britain was not taking the initiative in suggesting bilateral projects with<br />

France, this would have a disastrous impact on France’s perception <strong>of</strong> Britain:<br />

“As the French saw it there was a persistent contradiction between our pr<strong>of</strong>essed<br />

<strong>de</strong>sire [to get into the EEC] and our practice [<strong>of</strong> cooperating with other countries]”. 15<br />

A new Foreign Secretary: August – September 1966<br />

Although Pompidou refused to disclose the French position during his July visit,<br />

Wilson moved further towards a renewed British application. On 10 August 1966<br />

he appointed George Brown, an outspoken pro-European, as his Foreign secretary.<br />

For Reilly, Brown’s appointment heral<strong>de</strong>d an even more difficult relationship with<br />

the Foreign Office. Brown, a former tra<strong>de</strong> unionist who had left school at the age <strong>of</strong><br />

15, had a <strong>de</strong>ep-seated distrust <strong>of</strong> his <strong>of</strong>ficials whose privileged background he<br />

<strong>de</strong>eply resented. 16 On a pr<strong>of</strong>essional level, the differences between Brown and<br />

Reilly were the differences between the politician and the diplomat. Although both<br />

agreed that Britain should join the EEC, they quarrelled over the timing and nature<br />

<strong>of</strong> a second application. While Reilly warned that an early application was likely to<br />

result in a French veto, with all the international embarrassment that this would<br />

bring, Brown wanted Britain to join the EEC as soon as possible, partly out <strong>of</strong><br />

personal conviction, but partly also in or<strong>de</strong>r to <strong>de</strong>prive the Conservative Party (then<br />

in favour <strong>of</strong> British membership) <strong>of</strong> electoral ammunition. He hoped for a quick<br />

entry into the EEC which would help secure the next general election, which was<br />

anticipated to take place in 1970. As cabinet minister Richard Crossman noted in<br />

his diary,<br />

“Their [Wilson and Brown’s] i<strong>de</strong>a is to get in by 1969. […] There would certainly<br />

have to be one <strong>de</strong>valuation or two […]. On the other hand, would that matter politically?<br />

We would have completely outbid the Tories and we would be able to confirm<br />

our success in 1969 before there was any hard evi<strong>de</strong>nce <strong>of</strong> the hardships we were<br />

due to suffer as the result <strong>of</strong> the <strong>de</strong>valuation”. 17<br />

14. Ibid.<br />

15. Sir Patrick Reilly Papers, unpublished and uncatalogued, Bodleian Library, Oxford (henceforth:<br />

PRP). The documents are not yet fully sorted, making full references impossible.<br />

16. P. PATERSON, The Life <strong>of</strong> Lord George Brown: Tired and Emotional, Chatto and Windus, London,<br />

1993, p.207.<br />

17. R. CROSSMAN, The Diaries <strong>of</strong> a Cabinet Minister, Vol.2, Hamish Hamilton and Jonathan Cape,<br />

London, 1976, p.191.

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